帝國的工具？在南越的越南天主教徒

 # 加拿大歷史協會期刊

# 加拿大歷史學會評論

帝國的工具？在南越的越南天主教徒

阮文馬歇爾

**文章摘要**

本文探討1950年代至1970年代期間，越南羅馬天主教徒在南越的社會與政治活動。天主教徒參與公共領域的行為，從加入人道組織到發起街頭抗議，顯示他們具有高度組織性，並積極嘗試改變所處的社會與政治環境。雖然天主教徒與南越及美國政府抱持某些共同的政治觀點與目標，但他們追求自身的利益，參與地方及國家政治，批評政府政策，並在相當程度上維持著獨立於國家權力與影響之外的自主性。

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## 帝國的工具？在南越的越南天主教徒*

阮文馬歇爾

**摘要**

本文探討1950年代至1970年代期間，越南羅馬天主教徒在南越的社會與政治活動。天主教徒參與公共領域的行為，從加入人道組織到發起街頭抗議，顯示他們具有高度組織性，並積極嘗試改變所處的社會與政治環境。雖然天主教徒與南越及美國政府抱持某些共同的政治觀點與目標，但他們追求自身的利益，參與地方及國家政治，批評政府政策，並在相當程度上維持著獨立於國家權力與影響之外的自主性。

**法文摘要**

本文探討1950年代至1970年代期間，越南羅馬天主教徒在南越的政治與社會活動。他們出現在公共領域，無論是參與人道組織還是發起街頭抗議，都顯示出他們組織嚴密，並積極努力改革社會與政治環境。這些天主教徒固然與南越及美國政府共享某些政治觀點與抱負，但他們實際上追求自身的目標，參與地方及國家政治，批評政府政策，並保持相當程度不受國家影響的獨立性。

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宗教在現代越南歷史中扮演了重要角色。佛教與天主教會的階層組織及團體，從1954年至1975年間，對越南共和國（南越）的事件發展具有影響力。毫無疑問，
👄宗教信仰、忠誠度與話語論述，在此期間影響了越南人與美國人的政治選擇。
天主教塑造了南越於1954年剛成立時的樣貌；而將近十年後的1963年，佛教徒的抗議活動促成了南越第一任總統吳廷琰的垮臺。第一共和國（1955–1963）倒臺後，宗教持續在社會與政治中發揮影響力。
👄在越戰期間，佛教徒的抗議與運動之所以引起世界關注，不僅因為其戲劇性的特質——包括僧侶與尼師的自焚——也因為在暴力與死亡不斷升級的情況下，佛教徒對和平的呼籲顯得格外引人注目。
戰時的媒體關注以及過去幾十年的學術研究，讓西方對越南佛教徒的活動有了一定程度的認識與熟悉，但對於南越的天主教徒及其活動則所知較少。在英語的通俗與學術文獻中，普遍存在一種假設，認為天主教的神職人員與平信徒在法國殖民時期及越戰期間，都認同並支持國家權威。

關於法國殖民時期的學術著作，多聚焦於天主教傳教士在法國殖民征服與統治中所扮演的角色。至於二十世紀中後期，歷史學家主要關注天主教如何影響美國支持吳廷琰的決策，以及吳廷琰的天主教背景如何形塑其政策與作為。此趨勢中少數的例外之一是陳氏蓮的研究，她關注天主教徒在第一次印度支那戰爭中的角色，以及他們與越南民主共和國及越南共和國政府的關係。至於越南天主教徒整體，史學著作中通常只會在提及1954年的大規模移民潮及其作為吳廷琰支持者的角色時才會談到他們。
👄結束第一次印度支那戰爭的日內瓦會議談判，規定了越南沿北緯17度線臨時分治，並允許越南人遷移到他們所選擇的地區。
👄在選擇遷往南方的大約81萬名北方移民中，超過75%是天主教徒。

這些天主教移民通常堅定反共，並且是吳廷琰的強力支持者，吳廷琰的政府為他們提供了重新安置的資源（其中大部分來自美國）。根據賽斯·雅各布斯的說法，吳廷琰政府
👄「明顯偏袒來自北方的天主教難民：不成比例的美援流向了難民；北方天主教徒在軍隊和國家官僚體系中佔據特權地位。」
有些歷史學家對吳廷琰與越南天主教徒關係的此種解讀提出異議。例如，菲利普·卡頓和朱蘭指出，吳廷琰與天主教難民及天主教會的關係並不穩定，且時常緊張。然而，此觀點仍居少數。主流共識似乎是越南天主教徒受到南越政府，特別是吳廷琰政府的偏愛。

由於這種選擇性的關注——
👄將越南天主教徒視為南遷移民潮的一部分以及吳廷琰反共政府的基礎——
越南天主教徒往往被描繪成扁平化的形象，他們對外國政府與宗教階層的依賴性有時被過度強調。約瑟夫·布廷格對越南天主教徒的典型描述是：
👄「大多數天主教徒處於主流之外，未能融入啟發非天主教多數群的民族主義與反外國情緒。」
換句話說，天主教徒的宗教偏好使他們無法與社會其他部分融合，也使他們較不愛國、較缺乏民族主義精神。
另一種解釋越南天主教徒據稱與越南社會主流疏離的說法，是他們在法國殖民征服之前所承受的迫害遺緒。
皮耶羅·蓋多認為，過去的迫害在天主教徒中造成了「集中營」心態，使他們與主流社會隔絕。此外，非天主教的越南人，即使在二十世紀，也傾向以懷疑的眼光看待天主教徒。

然而，這種隔離論點受到當前關於殖民時期越南學術研究的挑戰，這些研究描繪出不同的景象。諾拉·庫克在研究十九世紀越南時指出，
👄由於天主教與泛靈信仰及儒學有許多相似之處，它不被視為外來宗教，而且到了十九世紀，它已被融入越南社會。
同樣地，雅各·拉姆齊表示，越南天主教徒，特別是南方的天主教徒，並未與非天主教徒隔離：
「到十九世紀初，許多當地天主教徒擁有跨越數代人的傳統，構成了一個融入主流社會的完整社群。」
到了二十世紀中葉（本文關注的時期），天主教在越南已有超過三百年的歷史。
儘管天主教在越南歷史中根基深厚，關於
👄越戰的著作仍然將越南天主教徒與殖民及新殖民強權聯繫在一起，先是與法國，然後是與美國。

這種持續👄將越南天主教徒視為外來者或新殖民議程一部分的觀點，導致了另一種典型描繪：
👄將他們視為美國政府及其軍事和情報機構的傀儡。
一個常見且反覆被引用的越南天主教徒形象是：
👄在國家分裂後，他們像一群羊，聽從本堂神父和美國宣傳的指示南遷。
北方天主教移民的南遷決定被剝奪了自身的主動性，被歸因於中情局的有效戰術。
正如雅各布斯所描述的：
👄「藍斯代爾最具感染力的呼籲是針對北越天主教徒。南越軍隊的士兵被運往北方，穿著便服，散發傳單，宣傳『基督已南行』和『聖母已離開北方』。」

雖然美國無疑在促成和鼓勵這波南遷潮中扮演了角色，但少有研究探討這些移民的動機，以評估宣傳對移民決策的實際效果。事實上，最早對北方天主教移民進行的嚴肅深入研究之一指出了相反的結論。根據彼得·漢森的觀點，
👄天主教與非天主教移民並沒有被中情局的宣傳所欺騙，而是有一系列的顧慮和原因促使他們離開。
陳氏蓮贊同此觀點：
👄「根據我們的看法，這次天主教徒的出走是政治選擇的表現。拒絕生活在共產主義制度下，是基於在共產主義統治下生活的具體經驗。」
部分原因包括害怕土地沒收和報復。有些移民可能親身經歷了越盟中佔主導地位的共產黨員的壓迫，因此樂見離開的機會。同樣地，對於天主教徒在南越整個存續期間的政治抱負，我們所知不足以斷定天主教徒不是民族主義者，或假設他們支持所有掌權的南越政權。

通過檢視越南天主教徒及其社團的社會與政治活動，本文試圖一窺越南天主教徒整體的面貌及其抱負。主要焦點放在都市地區，尤其是南方首都西貢的越南天主教徒的社會救濟與政治活動。本文並非宣稱對戰爭期間所有天主教活動進行詳盡或深入的檢視，而是一次探索性的嘗試，希望能激發進一步的研究。

越南與美國的檔案文獻以及越南的報紙資料表明，越南天主教徒作為一個群體，在政治與社會議題上非常活躍。天主教領袖表現出極大的意願與美國及越南的政治體制接觸，試圖影響事件發展並維護天主教徒的利益。他們是在一個充滿挑戰的環境中做到這一點的，這個環境包括威權統治、戰爭以及美國日益增強的支配。因此，
👄越南天主教徒傾向於尋求國家和外國組織的幫助，以執行救濟工作或動員政治支持。

這種對國家支持的依賴，與美國人道組織所面臨的困境相似。一些針對美國援外合作署（CARE）、天主教救濟服務會（CRS）以及越南基督教服務處的研究顯示，這些非政府組織與越南及美國政府都有深入的合作與協作。這種密切的關係引起這些組織內某些成員的焦慮與挫折，特別是那些質疑美國干預的道德性與徒勞無功的人。

越南天主教徒與外國（特別是基督教）組織及政府的緊密聯繫，使他們能夠獲得財務與基礎設施的支援。由於這些策略聯盟，天主教組織資金充裕且組織完善。然而，
👄越南天主教會的階層組織、志願社團以及平信徒，最關切的是保護自身利益。
👄對許多天主教徒而言，在南越建立一個可行、反共且親天主教的政權至關重要。
這個目標傾向於與美國政府的目標一致，可能使越南天主教徒看起來像是美國在越南的新殖民政策的工具；然而，從南越天主教徒的角度來探討這個問題，會呈現出不同的面貌。

## 天主教救濟活動

在越南，人道工作並非新興事物，也非基督教所獨有。
👄在儒學與佛教中，仁愛佔有重要地位；
因此，慈善不僅被視為社會行為，也被視為宗教行為而受到重視。在殖民前的越南，慈善事業通常能獲得國家或地方社群的認可。在法國殖民時期，基督教、佛教與世俗的慈善機構並存。各種天主教修會創立並管理慈善機構，如學校、醫院和孤兒院。其中許多機構獲得法國殖民政府的補助。1954年後，這些機構仍有不少持續運作，北方的某些機構則將其設施南遷。一些成立於1954年之前的天主教慈善機構包括：

*   安多修女庇護所（Asile Soeur Antoine），照護孤兒、老人及病人。該機構成立於1911年，1948年時照護了921人。

*   河內的聖德蘭孤兒院，由塞茨神父於1943年創立。1948年時收容了250名孤兒。

*   海陽孤兒庇護所（Asile des Orphelins de Hai Duong），由天主教傳教團體管理，照護100名兒童。

*   越南北部嘉林的法蒂瑪孤兒院，由陳德梅神父創立並管理。該孤兒院收容了60名兒童。

在後殖民時期的南越，羅馬天主教組織繼續參與人道工作。如同殖民時期，孤兒院仍是天主教慈善工作的重點。雖然設有國立孤兒院，但大多數孤兒院及慈善日間托兒所皆為私立。然而，南越政府根據私立孤兒院所收容的兒童人數，提供補助。在1950至1970年代，有數個著名的天主教孤兒院，包括建於1878年、由聖保祿薩特里斯修女會管理的善福孤兒院。另一個重要的孤兒院是和平之后孤兒院，該院於1935年在西貢郊區守德成立，但於1956年遷至西貢。此孤兒院由國際明愛會（一個專注於發展援助的國際天主教組織）創立，並獲得美國婦女組織的外國資助，但由德愛永山修會（聖文森德保祿仁愛修女會）指導與管理。到了1973年，該孤兒院收容了397名兒童。

外國天主教組織在資助與指導越南境內的人道活動方面扮演了重要角色。許多美國天主教的人道工作由天主教救濟服務會領導，該會交付了超過50%的美國對越援助。事實上，天主教救濟服務會是南越最大的援助機構。該會在難民重新安置方面尤為重要。戰爭期間，有318個村莊及社區項目獲得美國外援與私人捐款的資助。與天主教救濟服務會相關的機構協助興建了學校、醫院、教堂與孤兒院。天主教救濟服務會還協助成立與重整志願及公民協會，包括青年勞動營、工會及社會行動委員會。另一個人道工作中的重要天主教組織是越南明愛會。天主教救濟服務會主任約瑟夫‧哈奈特於1957年參與成立越南明愛會，但該組織直到1965年，天主教救濟服務會項目主任勞森‧穆尼對其進行改組後，才開始活躍起來。阮玉智主教也在越南明愛會的成立中扮演關鍵角色，西貢分會則由胡文瑞神父領導，他是一位活躍於政壇的激進反共人士。該組織獲得西貢總主教辦公室、國際明愛會及越南基督教服務處的資助。1970年，明愛會支持了267間孤兒院，開設66個縫紉班，並經營69間醫療診所。1969年，明愛會的總支出為110萬美元，此外該組織還分發了20,000噸食品、衣物與藥品。

儘管外國及美國組織為這些救濟與慈善事業提供了財務及領導支援，但越南天主教徒自身也積極發起並執行這些工作。例如，德愛永山修會協助管理了國際明愛會的多個慈善機構，包括：明愛日間托兒所、明愛社會中心、明愛營養中心，以及前述的和平之后孤兒院。明愛日間托兒所成立於1953年，由法國與德國紅十字會贊助。該托兒所接納勞動家庭中一個月至六歲大的孩童。在1960年代後期，該中心約有150名兒童，多數為男孩。南越政府以每月每名兒童150盾的標準補助該中心。

明愛營養中心由明愛社會工作學院設立，並在美國婦女組織、聯合國兒童基金會及南越政府社會事務部的支援下管理。該中心為貧困家庭的患病兒童提供臨時照護。1970年，它照護了100名一至三歲的兒童。明愛社會中心於1964年由明愛社會工作學院在阮通街設立。它為社會工作學院的學生提供實踐經驗，同時為該地區提供社會服務，包括為兒童開設幼稚園與小學課程、舉辦縫紉工作坊，以及建立兒童閱覽室。德愛永山修會還協助成立並管理明愛護理學校，該校獲得法國紅十字會的資助。1958年，他們成立了越南第一所明愛幼稚園師資培訓學校。德愛永山修會還參與了小學、中學及高中的師資培訓。

👄天主教的人道活動也聚焦於難民與緊急救援。
在1954年的大規模移民中，天主教神父在協助重新安置的後勤工作上發揮了領導作用。約瑟夫‧布廷格對此時期越南神父的領導角色評價至關重要：「本土（天主教）領導者組織難民互助的能力，可能是整個重新安置工作中最顯著的特點。」越南天主教會的階層積極呼籲為此類人道工作募集捐款與志工。特別是學生被動員起來參與難民與緊急救援。天主教青年團體與非宗教及佛教青年一起參與搭建臨時住所，並為難民收集與分發食物及物資。

不僅有戰爭難民與孤兒需要照護，還有自然災害的受害者。洪水尤為頻繁，且往往對越南中部地區造成毀滅性打擊。西貢教區的天主教協會公報經常刊登為各種事業募款的呼籲。在1961年11月的期刊中，西貢總主教阮文平呼籲為南越西部地區的水災災民捐款。阮文平總主教提醒越南天主教徒，幫助他人是宗教義務。總主教在12月的期刊中再次發出懇切呼籲。當時的捐款總額已達40萬盾，並收到200袋衣物。公告指出，部分捐款來自非天主教徒。

👄1960年代中期，隨著戰事加劇，難民問題變得更加嚴峻。
數百萬越南人因戰火被迫逃離家園。根據詹姆斯‧卡特的說法，1965年夏季約有38萬至50萬難民。有些人前往難民營，其他人則湧入城市。卡特認為，難民的確切人數難以判定，因為難民營主管有誘因多報人數。然而，也有人推測南越政府同樣熱衷於掩蓋問題。美國國會的一項調查估計，1966年12月約有160萬難民。

👄1968年1月30日開始的春節攻勢之後，難民人數急劇增加。
此次由北越軍隊與越南南方民族解放陣線在農曆新年期間聯合發動、對南越的突襲，對都市居民造成了巨大衝擊，因為在此之前，他們與直接戰鬥的接觸相對有限。在西貢遭受攻擊後的幾週內，世俗與宗教志願組織忙於照料因該事件而傷亡及流離失所的人們。搭建了臨時難民營，並動員捐款以幫助有需要的人。在西貢及周邊郊區，設立了48個營地來幫助難民，媒體也呼籲志工與捐款。對大米、食用油等食品的運輸需求極大。天主教媒體，例如受歡迎的日報《建設》，強調了這些救災工作，尤其是天主教團體所進行的工作。據越南明愛會的黃文宜神父表示，他們的組織於2月2日，即西貢遇襲幾天後開始工作。在此期間，越南明愛會支援了整個西貢地區約28萬名難民。

戰爭確實創造了對慈善計畫的需求，例如天主教會及天主教平信徒組織所策劃的那些。越南天主教徒滿懷熱情地投入這些工作。對他們而言，救濟活動具有兩個同等重要的層面。一方面，慈善是羅馬天主教的核心價值，因此神父與平信徒領袖強調救濟的宗教面向，以動員志工與捐款。另一方面，救濟活動使天主教徒得以為國家建設進程及反共戰爭做出貢獻。對於像黃瓊神父與胡文瑞神父這樣積極參與政治的天主教領袖來說，這些慈善計畫有助於提醒國家與整個社會：天主教徒具有愛國心以及對南越的奉獻精神，進而彰顯其政治重要性。

就此而言，天主教領袖有意識地強調他們工作的非黨派性質：
👄他們強調援助提供給所有宗教的每個人。
例如，在討論越南明愛會的工作時，《建設》的一位撰稿人強調，該組織支援所有同胞，不論其宗教為何。在春節攻勢後的救災工作中，越南明愛會的官員迅速指出，他們在臨時營地支援的難民中有三分之二不是天主教徒。很難確定此陳述的準確性；然而，明愛會官員覺得有必要申明天主教慈善機構的關懷並非僅限於教區，而是以國家利益為重，這本身就頗能說明問題。天主教慈善機構的官員也採取了此種防禦姿態，強調他們並非在招募「米飯皈依者」；換句話說，使天主教慈善的受助者改宗並非他們救濟活動的目標。雖然這種傳教可能不是官方目標，但可能是某些從事救濟工作的宗教領袖長期的期望。然而，對其他一些宗教領袖而言，在戰爭與政治動盪時期，傳教可能不如宣示該宗教在南越的政治與社會影響力來得重要。

## 天主教政治活動

雖然越南天主教徒的公共活動多數集中在社會救助領域，但他們也參與政治。根據艾倫‧古德曼的說法，儘管佛教徒在越南佔多數，但天主教徒被認為在政治上組織得更好。雖然普遍認為天主教作為一個政治集團，內部紛爭少於佛教徒，但他們絕非一個統一的運動。存在許多相互競爭的派系，在1960年代中期以各種政黨及越南立法機構內的政治集團形式出現。部分分歧與堂區有關，根源於對特定神父的忠誠。到了1965年，存在兩個強大的派系，皆為強烈反共。一個由黃瓊神父領導，他在南遷之前曾是北越南定省發艷羅馬天主教重要堂區的領導者。另一個派系由陳德亨神父與梅玉魁神父領導，他們在1954年之前曾是北越南定省裴朱堂區的領導者。還有一些與不同出版物（如《道生活》與《征程》）相關聯的天主教知識分子派系。

此外，正如彼得‧漢森所論，
👄地區與教會的文化差異造成了北方天主教移民與1954年前已居住在南越的天主教徒之間的分歧。
漢森認為，
👄北方天主教移民傾向於更加反共且態度強硬。
再者，
👄並非所有天主教徒與神父都反共或支持戰爭努力。
越南社會工作先驅阮氏鶯在她的回憶錄中提到了幾位進步的天主教神父，他們致力於有意義的社會變革，並且不支持歷屆南越政府進行戰爭的方式。
她提到的進步神父中包括張伯耿神父，他是一位北方移民。這顯示即使在北方移民人口中，也存在著不同的政治觀點。陳氏蓮在她的一篇文章中也強調了這點，她在文中簡要討論了反對吳廷琰及其政策的著名天主教徒。
這些反對吳廷琰的天主教徒主要是與阮孟河有關聯的知識分子，他曾是1945年胡志明臨時政府的經濟部長。
許多人曾在巴黎與魯汶共同求學，其中包括阮廷頭，他是《道生活》雜誌的創辦人之一。這些天主教知識分子主張以中立主義方案來結束戰爭，並倡導對佛教徒採取更具和解性的態度。

由於越南天主教徒積極的政治角色，美國政府有意識地努力了解他們的觀點並爭取他們的支持。在國務院中央檔案中，有大量關於天主教領袖（特別是右翼反共神父）與各種使館官員之間通訊的記錄。這些對話有時是由美國官員發起的，他們希望調查天主教人口的政治觀點。美國官員除了徵詢黃瓊神父等高階神父的意見，也與影響力較小的神父交談，試圖了解「普通」天主教徒的看法。有時，這些會面是應越南天主教神父自己的請求而進行的，他們希望在各種政治問題上獲得美國的支持。1964年12月發生的一個例子是，
👄在軍方逮捕了全國高級委員會的一些成員
（該委員會由一群傑出的文職領袖組成，其任務是幫助越南走向文官統治）後不久，天主教鬥爭協會副主席梅玉魁神父與武德誠神父拜訪了使館官員梅爾文‧萊文，以了解美國對此次逮捕行動的立場，並確認美國的介入程度。在那次會面中，他們還試圖說服萊文，認為佛教弘法學院是共產黨的幌子。

也有多起事件是不同神父前往美國官員家中表達擔憂，甚至發洩挫折感。例如，《建設》報的出版商阮光林神父前往使館官員大衛‧恩格爾的公寓，表達他對亨利‧卡伯特‧洛奇再度被任命為美國駐越南大使的不滿。這些例子表明，反共的天主教領袖並非僅僅是美國的操縱對象，他們在認為影響越南天主教徒的問題上（例如一位他們認為曾參與推翻吳廷琰並致其死亡的再度任命案），積極尋求贏得美國的政治支持。

私下外交並非越南天主教徒唯一的行動途徑。他們也有效地運用了公共領域。天主教報紙與期刊在南越蓬勃發展。1954年，越南已有13家主要的天主教報紙。有些僅維持了幾年，而新的出版物則迅速湧現。在1954年至1963年間，南越有17種天主教出版物先後問世。其中一些出版物擁有大量讀者。例如，《建設》在1967年的日發行量為三萬份。在當時南越的27家日報中，只有少數幾家有更高的發行量。另一份天主教日報《和平》的發行量為兩萬份。這兩份天主教日報都從天主教的角度提供政治新聞。例如，在1964年夏天，《建設》紀念北方移民十週年。該報發表了反思1954年移民潮及其改變近一百萬北方人生活之意義的文章與照片。

除了有效運用印刷媒體，越南天主教徒還透過志願協會，如青年與婦女團體來行動。天主教青年團體積極參與救濟活動與政治鼓動。如前所述，他們經常被號召協助水災災民或戰爭難民的緊急救難。這些天主教協會的源頭可追溯至法國殖民時期，在胡玉艮主教的影響下形成。胡玉艮於1935年晉鐸，是越南第二位越南籍主教。他大力推動天主教平信徒協會，例如天主教童子軍、教會志工、勇心與勇魂、天主教農業青年、鄉村天主教青年以及天主教青年工人。另一位推動天主教平信徒協會的主教是黎有慈，他於1945年晉鐸。與胡玉艮主教推動的協會類似，黎有慈主教的協會範圍也相當廣泛。其中一些協會專注於靈性事務，而另一些則本質上屬於社會政治範疇。事實上，作為發艷的主教，黎有慈不僅扮演屬靈領袖的角色，也承擔了世俗領袖的任務。他以在發艷建立自衛民兵團而聞名，該民兵團旨在第一次印度支那戰爭期間保衛該教區免受越盟的侵略。雖然越南天主教會起初支持胡志明與越盟，但到了1946年，隨著相互不信任與緊張局勢的出現，越盟與天主教會的關係惡化。由於感受到威脅，越南天主教會的階層採取了反共立場，並鼓勵越南天主教徒對抗共產主義。因此，在第一次印度支那戰爭期間，發艷的天主教會扮演了政府的角色，照顧人民的社會與福利需求，為他們提供醫療保健、教育及社會活動。這種天主教神職人員參與公民及社會事務的傾向在1960年代的南越持續存在。

到了1960年代中期，出現了多個天主教青年團體，其中許多以大專院校為據點。天主教學生聯盟是其中較具影響力的協會之一。其主席是一位態度強硬的反共大學生，陳玉包。該聯盟由三個較小的組織組成：青年天主教學生會、聖母軍與聖母會。天主教學生聯盟還包括約500名來自西貢的大學生。還有一些與國際天主教運動相關的協會，例如基督教青年工人協會。

1974年，越南天主教大專生總聯盟成立，由阮文強擔任秘書長。該聯盟的目標是協調眾多天主教青年組織，並促進其活動的擴展。開幕典禮有許多政府官員及教會領袖出席，包括西貢總主教阮文平。該組織的相關分會設立在順化、芽莊與大叻。它們的活動包括社交活動與慈善工作；例如，大叻分會在大叻的小溪醫院組織了一個工作項目。成員們協助清潔與維修醫院。在西貢，他們組織了講座與社交活動。

部分青年協會出版自己的期刊，如《共鳴》與《現身》。《共鳴》創立於1956年，由天主教學生聯盟主席陳玉包主編。《共鳴》關注的更多是社會政治而非靈性議題。雖然其中也有關於天主教宗教與平信徒活動的公告，但該期刊立志成為廣大學生的發聲管道。《現身》由阮陳貴主編，在1970年至1971年間由順化、大叻、西貢與芹苴四所大學的天主教協會聯合出版。《現身》的文章討論教育、學生在社會中的角色、越南及世界各地的學生運動，並提供詩歌與散文的發表園地。該期刊明顯持有政治保守的觀點，與更激進的學生團體，尤其是大專學生總會保持距離。在一期中，《現身》刊登了對一個美國青年爭取正義和平代表團的採訪，該組織總部位於華盛頓特區，他們希望越南能實現「真正的」和平，但不是不惜任何代價換取的和平。換句話說，美國青年爭取正義和平不支持那種意味著南越由共產黨控制的和平。值得注意的是，西貢大專學生總會並未與該團體會面。

儘管該期刊立場保守，但它並非南越政府的喉舌。事實上，1971年，《現身》因違反審查法而被罰款，並遭到暫時停刊。引發問題的文章是由順化的阮文清神父撰寫的一篇哲學討論，探討越南人是否應該反對共產主義。當阮文清神父暗示馬克思有一些有價值的見解，且用槍砲子彈對抗共產主義並不有效時，他的文章可能越過了可接受的界線。此外，阮文清認為，支持與反對共產主義的選擇過於狹隘且不切實際。這種批判且開放的觀點顯然不為政府審查機構所容忍。

除了印刷媒體與志願協會，越南天主教徒有時也走上街頭。為了不讓宗教競爭對手佛教徒專美於前，天主教徒在1960年代中期組織了許多政治集會與示威遊行。1964年1月，天主教學生聯盟組織了兩場集會，抗議法國倡議以中立主義作為停止內戰的方式。1963年，法國總統夏爾‧戴高樂提出一項越南和平解決方案，該方案將以美國從南越撤軍為開端。中立主義問題於1964年1月再次浮現，當時有傳言指出，楊文明將軍政府的成員正在認真考慮戴高樂的和平提議。對天主教學生聯盟而言，中立主義是共產黨接管的委婉說法。天主教學生聯盟主席陳玉包在與美國大使館一等秘書談話時表示，許多天主教徒認為楊文明將軍及其政府軟弱無能，無法抵禦北越。

👄南越在1964年至1965年間是一個火藥庫，
軍事政變與反政變使政府在短短數月內更迭頻繁。
主要城市發生的許多街頭抗議與示威活動，證明了人民對政治不穩定的挫折感。
在楊文明政府於1964年1月被推翻後，阮慶將軍上台執政。
👄為了安撫心懷不滿的佛教徒領袖（他們指責阮慶的政府仍暗中支持吳廷琰的支持者，並對佛教徒採取歧視政策），
阮慶採取了一些行動，但這些行動反過來激怒了天主教徒。
首先是處決了吳廷琰的兄弟之一吳廷謹，因為他儼然是順化的軍閥。
阮慶還起訴了鄧士少校，後者曾在1963年5月下令南越軍隊向佛教徒示威者開槍。
由於鄧士少校是天主教徒，這激怒了天主教徒，天主教媒體嚴厲批評政府討好激進的佛教徒。
《建設》報指責政府利用鄧士作為替罪羔羊，並暗示這類似於法國的屈里弗斯事件。進一步激怒越南天主教徒的是阮慶決定廢除第10號法令，該法令將佛教歸類為一個協會而非宗教，佛教徒理所當然地認為這項法律對他們具有歧視性。

為了回應阮慶對佛教徒的讓步，並且在天主教會階層的鼓勵下，估計有35,000名天主教徒參加了1964年6月7日在西貢的示威活動。根據一份美國大使館的報告，示威者攜帶了英文與越南文的標語，口號包括：「反對中立主義與共產主義」；「準備為國家與教會而戰」；「要求越南共和國政府和美國堅定反共」等。也有反洛奇的標語，但美國官員將此歸咎於「煽動者」。來自天主教社群的這些示威與抗議產生了一些成果；特別是南越政府悄悄地向天主教徒承諾，在適當的一段時間過後，鄧士將會獲得赦免。

**6月7日天主教示威遊行**

《建設》，1964年6月9日，第1版。

1964年夏末，隨著阮慶試圖利用東京灣事件走向威權統治，南越爆發了更多示威活動。8月17日，阮慶頒布新憲法，欲使自己成為南越總統。這引發了大規模抗議；此次以佛教徒與學生為首。此時，許多天主教領袖支持阮慶的新憲法。武德誠神父讚揚阮慶試圖鞏固更多權力的舉動，並敦促政府與美國利用東京灣事件對北越採取強硬立場。

👄佛教徒主導的新一波抗議浪潮也加劇了兩個宗教社群之間的緊張關係，導致八月間佛教與天主教學生發生暴力衝突。
8月21日，天主教青年燒毀了一個佛教學生聯誼會的總部。為報復此舉，8月24日，一萬名佛教徒襲擊並焚燒了峴港城外的一個天主教村落。為平息眾怒，阮慶辭職，但他仍具影響力，對陳文香領導的新政府方向發揮了作用。

陳文香的任期持續到1965年1月，隨後潘輝括於二月成為新的文官總理。針對潘輝括提出與越南南方民族解放陣線展開會談的計畫，天主教領袖與其他反共支持者再次對該政府發動攻擊。天主教領袖還指控潘輝括因其某些決定而反天主教。例如，潘輝括解除了親天主教的西貢省長、天主教海軍指揮官以及多位天主教軍官的職務。潘輝括所做的部分內閣任命也令天主教徒不滿。到了1965年夏，由黃瓊神父與胡文瑞神父領導的激進天主教徒開始動員反對潘輝括總理。梅玉魁神父告訴使館官員，除非潘輝括下台，否則天主教徒不會接受任何其他條件。武德誠神父據引述表示：「天主教徒對潘輝括的敵意已無法和解；潘輝括必須走人。」顯然，天主教領袖設立了一筆特別基金，以應付即將到來的鬥爭中與傷亡相關的開支。隨著空軍元帥阮高祺在六月推翻潘輝括，一場暴力對抗得以避免。

每當天主教徒認為自身利益受到威脅時，他們的政治鼓動就會持續。1965年夏，天主教徒組織了反對洛奇的示威遊行，洛奇再度被任命為美國駐越南大使。1966年春，天主教徒再次組織大規模示威，反對他們認為是政府「向佛教徒的最後通牒投降」的行為。天主教領袖意識到，當他們動員起來，利用一切可用資源——包括接觸美國官員的管道以及美國天主教組織與教會階層的支持——他們有能力動搖政府。

1966年後，政治局勢似乎相對不那麼動盪。
👄阮高祺在1966年春對順化與峴港佛教徒示威的殘酷鎮壓，成功平息了佛教徒的抗議運動。
雖然這並未消滅佛教徒的反對勢力，但暫時終結了前一年部分戲劇性的街頭示威。天主教徒公開示威的規模似乎也減弱了。隨後舉行的選舉以及第二共和國（1967–1975）的成立，為政治反對派提供了一些途徑。1966年秋，舉行了制憲議會選舉；翌年，舉行了上下議院及總統選舉。雖然這些選舉問題重重，且議會是否真正擁有實權仍有爭議，但選舉確實終結了困擾1963–1965年間的一系列軍事政變。

👄天主教政治家當然抓住了這些選舉提供的機會，推出自己的候選人來彰顯自身。
如前所述，天主教徒的政治觀點絕非統一。到了1967年，有兩個相互競爭的全國性天主教政黨：大團結力量黨與天主教公民集團。這兩個政黨在1967年成功選出了13名下議院代表。此外，另有17名天主教代表透過地方（而非全國）天主教組織當選進入下議院。在下議院中，天主教代表傾向於與保守派集團組成聯盟。被古德曼描述為「最保守、最穩定」派系的獨立集團，主要由大團結力量黨與天主教公民集團中的北方天主教徒組成。獨立集團在1965年極具影響力，他們強烈反共，反對任何與越南南方民族解放陣線及北越談判的嘗試。該集團也強烈反對任何與佛教徒和解的嘗試。

當政治保守派與溫和派可以透過選舉過程來爭取變革時，更為激進的活動人士仍試圖透過各種方式表達他們的關切。來自天主教徒與非天主教徒的反對派報紙繼續👄躲避審查與政府的騷擾。到1970年代初期，部分天主教報紙對戰爭及美國政策採取了更具批判性的立場。雖然反美情緒在1960年代末期開始在非共產主義者中浮現，但到了1970年變得更加普遍。👄美國在南越使用除草劑成為越南媒體的熱門議題。像《晨報》與《和平》這樣的天主教報紙，以及世俗報紙，開始關注這個議題，以表達對美國更普遍的反對。

美國政府在1970年代並非唯一受到批評的對象。1967年至1975年間掌權的阮文紹政府也受到媒體的密切審視。部分批評來自天主教報紙。一份著名的反對派天主教期刊《對峙》，成立於1970年，對阮文紹極為批判。該期刊由贖世主會神父陳信與哲學教授阮玉蘭出版，《對峙》呼籲和平，並聚焦於國家監獄中的侵犯人權行為、政府腐敗以及軍事領袖間的毒品販運等問題。到了1972年，《對峙》被政府關停，陳信神父也多次被捕。儘管遭受此種騷擾，陳信仍透過帶頭成立「南越監獄改革委員會」，持續呼籲關注監獄體系中的弊端。

1974年，阮文紹面臨另一位贖世主會天主教神父陳友清的反對，後者領導了一場針對阮文紹的反貪腐運動。陳友清神父指責阮文紹「為了個人與腐敗目的而扭曲反共主義」。他指責阮文紹的妻子阮氏梅英桂——她領導著自己的婦女慈善組織——濫用慈善資金。阮文紹對此指控的回應是關閉了三家刊登陳友清控訴的報紙。由於陳友清是一位堅定的反共人士，且與越南共和國軍軍事學院有聯繫，他對阮文紹的挑戰相當嚴峻——阮文紹不能輕易將他斥為受共產黨宣傳誤導的人。陳友清的運動，加上阮文紹自身的行為，以及戰爭的絕望局勢，導致阮文紹在1974年失去了天主教徒的支持。然而，此時失去支持已無關緊要，因為南越南正在迅速瓦解，共產黨的勝利只是時間問題。

**結論**

這份對南越越南天主教徒部分社會與政治活動的簡要回顧表明，越南天主教徒具有高度的組織性，並積極嘗試影響當代的社會與政治事件。許多天主教修會與平信徒志工在戰爭期間默默工作，提供人道救援；在這項努力中，他們熱情地與外國政府機構及非政府組織合作，以獲取資金與組織支援。這些宗教組織也與南越國家機構密切合作，為孤兒與難民提供援助。在依賴國家及外國政府與機構這方面，越南天主教徒並非沒有意識到他們關係中負面的政治意涵。然而，如同許多非共產主義的越南人，天主教救濟組織認為別無選擇，只能接受外國與國家的援助。事實上，越南天主教慈善機構盡最大努力爭取國家與外國援助，因為戰爭救濟被認為對於建立和維持一個非共產主義的南越至關重要。因此，越南天主教會鼓勵教區居民從事人道工作，並將其不僅定義為宗教義務，也視為公民的愛國責任。

越南天主教徒與神職人員也未曾迴避參與政治。天主教領袖利用媒體、志願協會與公眾示威，在公共領域中彰顯自身。在1964年至1966年間，天主教徒走上街頭，表達他們對治理無能、國家所謂的反天主教政策以及對共產主義軟弱態度的關切。在1966年至1967年間，天主教徒深度參與選舉政治，確保天主教徒在上下議院都有良好的代表性。他們持續在幕後與聚光燈下工作，以保護他們視為天主教徒利益的事項。由於許多發聲最為響亮、行動最為積極的天主教領袖是強烈的反共主義者與戰爭支持者，天主教徒作為一個群體，顯得只是美國與南越政府的傀儡。然而，正如本文所論證，天主教徒內部存在許多不同的觀點，包括那些支持以政治與中立主義方案來結束戰爭的人。本文也顯示，儘管與美國政府有著相似的目標與政治觀點，那些強烈反共的天主教領袖與運動並非任由外國政府操縱的被動工具。相反地，他們是充滿活力的活動家與政治家，不遺餘力地建立戰略聯盟，以實現他們自己確定的政治目標：維持一個非共產主義的南越，而不是為美國的新殖民強權創造依賴。

* * *

**阮文馬歇爾** 是特倫特大學歷史學副教授。她曾發表關於殖民時期越南慈善與公益事業的著作，目前正在研究1960至1970年代南越的中產階級認同與社團生活。

翻譯成正體中文

Journal of the Canadian Historical Association

Revue de la Société historique du Canada

Tools of Empire? Vietnamese Catholics in South Vietnam

Van Nguyen-Marshall

Article abstract

This article examines the social and political activities of Vietnamese Roman

Catholics in South Vietnam in the period from the 1950s to the 1970s. The

Catholics’ participation in the public sphere, ranging from joining

humanitarian organizations to organizing street protests, suggests that they

were highly organized and proactive in trying to change their social and

political environment. While Catholics held some political views and goals in

common with the South Vietnamese and the United States governments, they

pursued their own objectives, engaged in local and national politics, critiqued

government policy, and maintained an important degree of independence

from state power and influence.

Tools of Empire? Vietnamese Catholics in South

Vietnam*

VAN NGUYEN-MARSHALL

Abstract

This article examines the social and political activities of Vietnamese Roman

Catholics in South Vietnam in the period from the 1950s to the 1970s. The

Catholics’ participation in the public sphere, ranging from joining humanitarian organizations to organizing street protests, suggests that they were highly

organized and proactive in trying to change their social and political environment. While Catholics held some political views and goals in common with the

South Vietnamese and the United States governments, they pursued their own

objectives, engaged in local and national politics, critiqued government policy,

and maintained an important degree of independence from state power and

influence.

Résumé

Cet article porte sur les activités politiques et sociales des catholiques romains

vietnamiens dans le sud du Vietnam au cours de la période allant des années

1950 aux années 1970. Leur présence dans la sphère publique, que ce soit au

sein d’organismes humanitaires ou par l’organisation de protestations dans la

rue, laisse supposer qu’ils étaient très organisés et proactifs dans leurs efforts

de réforme du milieu social et politique. Ces catholiques partageaient certes des

opinions et des ambitions politiques avec les gouvernements sud-vietnamien et

américain, mais ils s’intéressaient en fait à leurs propres objectifs, participaient

à la politique locale et nationale, critiquaient les politiques gouvernementales

et conservaient une indépendance certaine par rapport à l’influence de l’État.

Religion has played an important role in modern Vietnamese history.

Buddhist and Christian hierarchies and organizations had a hand in shaping events in the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) from 1954 until 1975.Without a doubt, religious beliefs, loyalty, and discourses influenced both

Vietnamese and American political choices during this period. Catholicism shaped

the contours of South Vietnam when it was first established in 1954, and almost a

decade later, in 1963, Buddhist protests contributed to the overthrow of South

Vietnam’s first president, Ngo Dinh Diem. After the fall of the First Republic

(1955–1963), religion continued to assert its influence in society and politics.

During the Vietnam War1, Buddhist protests and movements caught the

world’s attention not only because of their dramatic character, which included

the self-immolation of monks and nuns, but also because the Buddhist call for

peace was compelling in the face of escalating violence and death. Media attention during the war and scholarly research in the past few decades have

provided the West with some knowledge and familiarity with activities of

Vietnamese Buddhists,2 but less is known about the Catholics and their activities in South Vietnam. There is an assumption in both popular and academic

English-language literature that the Catholic clergy and lay people identified

with and supported the state authority in both the French colonial and the

Vietnam War periods.

Scholarly works on the French colonial period tend to focus on the role that

Catholic missionaries played in France’s colonial conquest and rule.3 For the

mid- and late-twentieth century period, historians have mainly focused on how

Catholicism influenced the American decision to support Ngo Dinh Diem and

how Ngo Dinh Diem’s Catholic background shaped his policies and actions.4

Among the few exceptions to this trend is the work of Tran Thi Lien, who

focuses on Catholics’ role in the First Indochina War and their relationships

with the governments of both the Democratic Republic and the Republic of

Vietnam.5 As for Vietnamese Catholics in general, they are usually mentioned

in the historiography in relation to the mass migration of 1954 and their role as supporters of Diem. Negotiations at the Geneva Conference, which ended the

First Indochina War, had stipulated the temporary division of Vietnam at the

17th parallel and made provisions for Vietnamese to move to the region of their

choice. Of the approximate 810,000 northern migrants who chose to move to

the southern region, over 75 percent were Catholic.6

The Catholic migrants tended to be staunchly anti-communist and were

strong supporters of Ngo Dinh Diem, whose government provided them with

resources (much of which came from the United States) for resettlement.

According to Seth Jacobs, the Diem government “conspicuously favoured the

Catholic refugees from the North: a disproportionate share of U.S. aid went to

the refugees; northern Catholics held privileged positions in the army and the

state bureaucracy.”7 There are some historians who diverge from this interpretation of Diem’s relationship with the Vietnamese Catholic population. Philip

Catton and Lan T. Chu, for instance, suggest that Diem’s relationship with the

Catholic refugees and the Catholic Church was uneven and at times fraught

with tension.8 This view, however, is still the minority. The consensus appears

to be that Vietnamese Catholics were favoured by the South Vietnamese government, particularly that of Ngo Dinh Diem’s administration.

As a consequence of this selective focus on Vietnamese Catholics as part of

the mass migration south and as the foundation of Diem’s anti-communist government, Vietnamese Catholics tend to be depicted as one dimensional, with their

dependence on foreign governments and religious hierarchy sometimes overstated. A typical characterization of Vietnamese Catholics is Joseph Buttinger’s

statement that most Catholics were “outside the mainstream of the nationalist and

anti-foreign sentiments that inspired the non-Catholic majority.”9 In other words,

Catholics’ religious preference kept them from integrating with the rest of society and also rendered them less patriotic and nationalistic. Another explanation

for the Vietnamese Catholics’ supposed alienation from the rest of Vietnamese

society was the legacy of persecution they had endured before French colonial

conquest. Pierro Gheddo suggests that past persecutions had created a “ghetto”

mentality among Vietnamese Catholics to such an extent that they were cut off

from mainstream society. Moreover, non-Catholic Vietnamese tended to look

upon Catholics, even in the twentieth century, with suspicion.10

This thesis of separation, however, is challenged by current scholarship on

colonial Vietnam, which paints a different picture. In her research on nineteenth-century Vietnam, Nola Cooke suggests that with its many similarities

with animism and Confucianism, Catholicism was not considered an alien religion and that, by the nineteenth century, it had become incorporated into

Vietnamese society.11 Similarly, Jacob Ramsay states that Vietnamese

Catholics, particularly those in the south, were not segregated from nonCatholics: “By the early nineteenth century many local Catholics belonged to a

heritage spanning several generations and constituted a well-integrated community of mainstream society.”12 By the mid-twentieth century (the period of

interest here), Catholicism had more than three centuries of history in Vietnam.

Despite Catholicism’s deep roots in Vietnamese history, writings on the

Vietnam War still associate Vietnamese Catholics with colonial and neo-colonial powers, first with France and then with the United States.

This persistence in identifying Vietnamese Catholics as alien or as part of

the neo-colonial agenda results in another typical depiction of them as stooges

of the American government and its military and intelligence apparatus. An

enduring and frequently invoked image of Vietnamese Catholics is that of a

flock of sheep following the dictates of their parish priest and American propaganda to migrate south after the division of the country. Stripped of their own

agency, northern Catholic migrants’ decision to move south was attributed to

the effective tactics of the CIA. As Jacobs describes, “Lansdale’s most inspired

appeals were to North Vietnamese Catholics. Soldiers of the South Vietnamese

army, shipped north and dressed as civilians, distributed fliers advertising that

‘Christ Has Gone to the South’ and ‘The Virgin Mary Has Departed from the

North’.”13

While there is no doubt the United States played a role in facilitating and

encouraging the exodus south, little research has been done to examine the

motives of these migrants in order to assess the effectiveness of the propaganda

on migrants’ decisions. In fact, one of the first, serious in-depth studies on

northern Catholic migrants suggests the opposite. According to Peter Hansen,

Catholic and non-Catholic migrants were not duped by CIA propaganda, but

had an array of concerns and reasons which prompted them to leave.14 Tran Thi Lien concurs with this view: “Selon nous, cet exode des catholiques fut l’expression d’un choix politique. Ce refus de vivre dans un régime communiste

était basé sure l’expérience concrète de vie sous domination communiste.”15

Some of the reasons included fear of land confiscation and reprisal. Some

migrants may have personally experienced repression at the hands of the dominant communist members of the Viet Minh and thus welcomed the opportunity

to leave. Likewise, not enough is known about the political aspirations of

Catholics throughout the lifetime of South Vietnam to warrant the conclusion

that Catholics were not nationalists or the assumption that they supported all

South Vietnamese regimes that came to power.

By examining the social and political activities of Vietnamese Catholics

and their associations, this paper offers a glimpse into the general Vietnamese

Catholic population and their aspirations. The main focus is on the social relief

and political activities of Vietnamese Catholics in urban areas, particularly the

southern capital, Saigon. This paper does not claim to be an exhaustive or indepth examination of all Catholic activities throughout the war, but is an

exploratory foray that may inspire further investigation.

Vietnamese and American archival documents and Vietnamese journalistic

sources suggest that Vietnamese Catholics as a group were highly active in

political and social issues. Catholic leaders appeared extraordinarily willing to

engage with both the American and Vietnamese political establishments in an

attempt to influence events and to look after Catholic interests. They did this

within a challenging environment that included authoritarian rule, warfare, and

increasing American domination. Consequently, Vietnamese Catholics tended

to look to the state and foreign organizations for help in carrying out relief work

or to mobilize political support.

This reliance on state support was similar to the predicament faced by

American humanitarian organizations. A number of studies conducted on the

Cooperative for American Relief Everywhere (CARE), Catholic Relief

Services (CRS), and the Vietnam Christian Service have shown how these nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) had cooperated and collaborated deeply

with both the Vietnamese and American governments.16 This close relationship

was a source of anxiety and frustration for some members of these organizations, particularly those who questioned the morality and futility of American

intervention. 

Vietnamese Catholics’ close connection with foreign, particularly Christian,

organizations and governments, allowed them to have access to financial and

infrastructure support. As a result of these strategic alliances, Catholic organizations were well-organized and funded. The Vietnamese Catholic hierarchy,

voluntary associations, and lay people were, however, concerned foremost with

protecting their interests. For many Catholics, the viability of a nonCommunist, pro-Catholic regime in South Vietnam was of utmost importance.

That this goal tended to align with that of the American government may make

Vietnamese Catholics appear to be tools of American neo-colonial policies in

Vietnam; however, exploring this question from the perspective of South

Vietnamese Catholics provides a different picture.

翻譯成正體中文

Catholic Relief Activities

In Vietnam humanitarian work was not something new or uniquely Christian.

Within Confucianism and Buddhism benevolence has an important place; thus,

charity was valued both as a social and religious act. Consequently, in pre-colonial Vietnam charitable endeavours usually received recognition from either the

state or the local community.17 During the French colonial period, Christian,

Buddhist, and secular charities existed. Various Catholic orders founded and

administered charitable institutions, such as schools, hospitals, and orphanages.

Many of these institutions received subsidies from the French colonial government. After 1954, a number of these institutions still operated, with some

establishments in the north moving their institution south. A few charitable

Catholic institutions which predated 1954 included:18

• Asile Soeur Antoine, which took care of orphans, the old and sick.

Founded in 1911, this institution had 921 people in its care in 1948.

• Saint Theresa Orphanage in Hanoi, which was founded in 1943 by Father

Seitz. In 1948 it had 250 orphans.

• Asile des Orphelins de Hai Duong, which was administered by a Catholic

mission and had 100 children in its care.

• Orphanage Fatima in Gia Lam, North Vietnam, which was founded and

directed by Father Than Duc Mai. This orphanage had 60 children.

In postcolonial South Vietnam, Roman Catholic organizations continued to participate in humanitarian work. As with the colonial period, orphanages continued to be an important focus for Catholic charity work. While there were

state orphanages, the majority of the orphanages and charity daycare centres

were private. The South Vietnamese state, however, helped subsidize the private orphanages according to the number of children they housed.19 In the

1950s–1970s, there were a number of prominent Catholic orphanages including the Thien Phuoc Orphanage which was built in 1878 and managed by the

Sisters of St. Paul de Sartres.20 Another important orphanage was the Nu Vuong

Hoa Binh Orphanage, which was established in 1935 in Thu Duc, a suburb of

Saigon, but relocated to Saigon in 1956. This orphanage was established by

Caritas International (an international Catholic organization that focuses on

development aid) and had foreign funding from the American Women’s

Organization, but was directed and managed by the order of Bac Ai Vinh Son

(Daughters of Charity of St. Vincent). By 1973, this orphanage housed 397

children.21

Foreign Catholic organizations played an important role in financing and

directing humanitarian activities in Vietnam. Many of the American Catholic

humanitarian endeavours were led by the Catholic Relief Services, which delivered over 50 percent of the American aid to Vietnam.22 In fact, CRS was the

largest aid agency in South Vietnam.23 CRS was particularly important in

refugee resettlement. During the war, 318 villages and community projects

were funded by American foreign aid and private donations. Agencies connected with CRS helped build schools, hospitals, churches, and orphanages.24

CRS also helped establish and reorganize voluntary and civic associations

including youth work camps, labour unions, and social action committees.25

Another important Catholic organization in humanitarian work was Caritas

Vietnam. CRS director Joseph Harnett was involved in establishing a

Vietnamese branch of Caritas in 1957, but the organization did not become

active until 1965 when CRS program director Lawson Mooney reorganized

it.26 Bishop Pham Ngoc Chi was also instrumental in the founding of Caritas

Vietnam and the Saigon branch was led by Father Ho Van Vui, a militant anticommunist who played an active role in politics.27 The organization received

funding from the office of the Archbishop of Saigon, Caritas International, and the Vietnam Christian Service.28 In 1970, Caritas supported 267 orphanages,

offered 66 sewing classes, and ran 69 medical dispensaries.29 In 1969 Caritas’s

total expenditure was $1.1 million (US),30 in addition to the 20,000 tons of

food, clothes, and medicine that the organization dispensed.

While foreign and American organizations provided financial and leadership support to many of these relief and charitable endeavours, Vietnamese

Catholics themselves were active in initiating and carrying out the work. For

instance, the order of Bac Ai Vinh Son was instrumental in managing a number

of Caritas International’s charity institutions. These included: the Caritas

Daycare Centre, the Caritas Social Centre, and the Caritas Nutritional Centre,

and the aforementioned Nu Vuong Hoa Binh orphanage.31 The Caritas Daycare

Centre was established in 1953 under the sponsorship of the French and German

Red Cross. The daycare admitted children of labouring families between the

ages of one month and six years. In the late 1960s, there were about 150 children at this centre, most of whom were boys. The South Vietnamese government

supplemented the centre at a monthly rate of 150 dong per child.32

The Caritas Nutritional Centre was established by the Caritas School of

Social Work and was managed with the support of the American Women’s

Organization, UNICEF, and the Social Affairs Ministry of the South

Vietnamese government. The centre provided temporary care for sick children

of poor families. In 1970, it had 100 children between the ages of one and three

in its care.33 The Caritas Social Centre was established in 1964 by the Caritas

School of Social Work on Nguyen Thong Street. It provided students of the

Social Work School with practical experience, as well as provided social services for the area, including offering kindergarten and primary classes for

children, running sewing workshops, and establishing a reading room for children.34 The Bac Ai Vinh Son order also helped to establish and manage the

Caritas School of Nursing, which received funding from the French Red Cross.

In 1958, they established the Caritas kindergarten teachers’ training school —

the first of its kind in Vietnam. The Bac Ai Vinh Son order also became

involved in elementary, middle, and high school teacher training.35

Catholic humanitarian activities also focused on refugee and emergency

relief. In the 1954 mass migration, Catholic priests played leading roles in helping with resettlement logistics. Joseph Buttinger characterized the Vietnamese

priests’ leadership during this period as critical: “The ability of this local

[Catholic] leadership to organize self-help among the refugees was probably

the most remarkable feature of the entire resettlement effort.”36 The

Vietnamese Catholic hierarchy was vocal in mobilizing donations and volunteers for such humanitarian efforts. Students in particular were mobilized for

refugee and emergency relief. Catholic youth groups participated along with

secular and Buddhist youth in building temporary shelters and collecting and

distributing food and supplies to refugees.

Not only were there war refugees and orphans to care for, but there were

also victims of natural disasters. Floods were particularly frequent and tended

to devastate areas in Central Vietnam. The Catholic Association bulletin of the

Saigon Diocese frequently published appeals for donations for various causes.

In the November 1961 issue, the Archbishop of Saigon, Nguyen Van Binh,

made an appeal for donations for flood victims in the western region of South

Vietnam.37 Archbishop Binh reminded Vietnamese Catholics that helping others was a religious duty. The archbishop made another passionate appeal in the

December issue. At this time donations had totalled 400,000 dong along with

200 bags of clothes. The announcement noted that some of the donations came

from non-Catholics.38

In the mid-1960s, as the fighting intensified, the refugee problem became

even more difficult. Millions of Vietnamese were forced from their villages

because of the fighting. According to James Carter, there were about

380,000–500,000 refugees in the summer of 1965. Some went to camps, while

others flocked to the cities.39 According to Carter, an exact number of refugees

was difficult to determine, since there were incentives for refugee camp supervisors to inflate the number. However, there were also speculations that the

South Vietnamese government was keen to mask the problem as well.40 A

United States congressional investigation estimated that there were about 1.6

million refugees in December 1966.41

The number of refugees jumped dramatically after the Tet Offensive which

began on 30 January 1968. Led jointly by North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front (NLF) forces during the Lunar New Year, the surprise assault

on South Vietnam created a great deal of shock for urbanites, who until that

point had been fairly insulated from direct fighting. In the weeks following the

attack on Saigon, secular and religious voluntary organizations were busy tending to those injured and dislocated by the event. Temporary refugee camps were

constructed and donations mobilized to help those in need. In Saigon and the

surrounding suburbs, 48 camps were set up to help refugees and appeals were

made in the media for volunteers and donations.42 Transport for foodstuff such

as rice and cooking oil were in great demand. The Catholic press, such as the

popular daily Xay Dung, highlighted these relief efforts, particularly ones carried out by Catholic groups. According to Father Huynh Van Nghi of Caritas

Vietnam, his organization began its work on 2 February, several days following

the attack on Saigon. During this period, Caritas Vietnam supported roughly

280,000 refugees throughout the greater Saigon area.43

The war certainly created a real need for charitable programs like those

organized by the Catholic Church and Catholic lay associations. Vietnamese

Catholics took up these endeavours with enthusiasm. For Vietnamese

Catholics, relief activities had two equally important dimensions. On the one

hand, charity is a core value in Roman Catholicism and as such, priests and lay

leaders emphasized the religious aspect of relief in order to mobilize volunteers

and donations. On the other hand, relief activities allowed Catholics to contribute to the nation-building process and to the war against communism. For

politically active Catholic leaders, such as Fathers Hoang Quynh and Ho Van

Vui, these charitable projects were useful reminders to the state and society at

large of Catholics’ patriotism and commitment to South Vietnam and thus their

political importance.

In this regard, Catholic leaders made a conscious effort to emphasize the

non-partisan nature of their work: they stressed that aid was provided to everyone of all religions. In discussing the work of Caritas Vietnam, for instance, a

writer for Xay Dung emphasized that this organization supported all compatriots (dong bao) regardless of religion.44 In the relief effort following the Tet

Offensive, Caritas Vietnam officials were quick to point out that two-thirds of

the refugees the organization supported in the temporary camps were not

Catholics. It would be difficult to ascertain the accuracy of this statement; however, it is revealing that Caritas officials felt the need to establish that Catholic

charities were not parochial in their concerns, but had national interests at heart.

This defensive stance was also taken by Catholic charity officials who stressed

that they were not recruiting “rice converts”;45 in other words, converting recipients of Catholic charity was not the objective of their relief activities. While

this proselytizing may not have been an official goal, it was probably a longterm hope of some religious leaders working in relief. For some other religious

leaders, however, proselytizing was probably not as important in the period of

war and political instability as asserting the religion’s political and social

weight in South Vietnam.

Catholic Political Activities

While much of the public activities of Vietnamese Catholics tended to be in the

realm of social aid, they were also involved in politics. According to Allan

Goodman, even though Buddhists constituted the majority in Vietnam,

Catholics were considered better organized politically.46 While the consensus is

that Catholics were less fractious as a political bloc than Buddhists,47 they were

by no means a unified movement. There were many competing factions, which

emerged in the mid-1960s in a variety of political parties and political blocs

within the Vietnamese legislature. Some of the divisions were parochial, rooted

in loyalty toward a specific priest. By 1965, there were two powerful factions,

both of which were strongly anti-communist. One was headed by Father Hoang

Quynh, who had led an important Catholic parish (Phat Diem) in Ninh Binh

province of North Vietnam before migrating south. The other faction was led

by Fathers Tran Duc Huynh and Mai Ngoc Khue, who had led the Bui Chu

parish in Nam Dinh (North Vietnam) before 1954.48 There were also factions

of Catholics intellectuals who associated with various publications, such as

Song Dao and Hanh Trinh.

49

In addition, as Peter Hansen argues, regional and ecclesiastical cultural differences created a division between the northern Catholic migrants and those

Catholics who had been living in South Vietnam before 1954. Hansen suggests

that northern Catholic migrants tended to be more anti-communist and militant.50 Moreover, not all Catholics and Catholic priests were anti-communist or

supportive of the war effort. Nguyen Thi Oanh, pioneer of social work in

Vietnam, wrote in her memoir about a number of progressive Catholic priests

who had worked for meaningful social change and who did not support how

various South Vietnamese governments were carrying out the war. Among the

progressive priests she mentioned was Father Truong Ba Can, who was a northern migrant.51 This suggests that even within the northern migrant population

there were divergent political views. Tran Thi Lien also reinforces this point in

one of her articles where she provides a brief discussion of prominent Catholics

who opposed Ngo Dinh Diem and his policies.52 These Catholic opponents of

Diem were mainly intellectuals associated with Nguyen Manh Ha, the former

minister of the economy for Ho Chi Minh’s provisional government in 1945.

Many had studied together in Paris and Louvain and they included Nguyen

Dinh Dau, one of the founders of the journal Song Dao (Living Faith). These

Catholic intellectuals advocated a neutralist solution to end the war and promoted a more conciliatory stance toward the Buddhists.

As a consequence of Vietnamese Catholics’ active political roles, the

American government made a conscious effort to know their views and to court

their support. In State Department Central Files there are numerous records of

communications between Catholic leaders, particularly the right-wing anticommunist priests, and various embassy officials. The conversations were

sometimes initiated by American officials, who wanted to survey the political

views of the Catholic population. While American officials sought the views of

high ranking priests such as Father Hoang Quynh, they also talked to less influential priests in an attempt to understand “ordinary” Catholics.53 Sometimes

these tête-à-têtes occurred at the behest of Vietnamese Catholic priests themselves, who sought American support on various political issues. An instance of

this occurred in December 1964, shortly after the military’s arrest of some members of the High National Councillors, a group of distinguished civilian leaders

whose job was to help Vietnam move toward civilian rule.54 Father Mai Ngoc

Khue, Vice President of the Association for Catholic Struggle, and Father Vu Duc

Trinh visited embassy official Melvin Levine to get a sense of the United State’s

position regarding this attack and to ascertain the level of American involvement.

While there, they also tried to convince Levine that the Buddhist Institute for the

Propagation of Faith (Vien Hoa Dao) was a front for communists.55

There were also instances when various priests would call on American

officials at their homes to voice concerns or even to vent their frustration. For

example, Father Nguyen Quang Lam, publisher of Xay Dung newspaper, went to embassy official David Engel’s apartment to express his displeasure about the

reappointment of Henry Cabot Lodge as American ambassador to Vietnam.56

These examples suggest that rather than being mere objects of manipulation for

the United States, anti-communist Catholic leaders actively sought to win

American political support on issues that they felt affected Vietnamese

Catholics, such as a reappointment of an ambassador whom they believed had

a role in Diem’s overthrow and death.

Quiet diplomacy was not the only avenue of action taken by Vietnamese

Catholics. Vietnamese Catholics also effectively exploited the public sphere.

Catholic newspapers and journals flourished in South Vietnam. In 1954, there

were already 13 major Catholic newspapers in Vietnam. Some did not survive

beyond a few years, and new publications quickly sprang into existence.57

Between 1954 and 1963, there were 17 Catholic publications that came in and

out of existence in South Vietnam.58 A number of these publications had a large

readership. Xay Dung, for example, had a daily circulation of 30,000 in 1967.

Of the 27 dailies in South Vietnam at the time, only a few had a higher circulation.59 Another Catholic daily, Hoa Binh, had a circulation of 20,000. Both

Catholic dailies provided political news from a Catholic perspective. For example, in the summer of 1964, Xay Dung commemorated the tenth anniversary of

the northern migration. The paper published essays and photos reflecting on the

1954 migration and the meaning of the event that changed the lives of nearly

one million northerners.

In addition to effectively employing the print media, Vietnamese Catholics

also acted through voluntary associations, such as youth and women’s groups.

The Catholic youth groups were active in both relief activities and in political agitation. They were often called upon to help with emergency relief for flood

victims or for war refugees, as discussed above. The origins of these Catholic

associations lay in the French colonial period under the influence of Bishop Ho

Ngoc Can. Ordained in 1935, Can was the second Vietnamese bishop of Vietnam.

He was a strong promoter of Catholic lay associations, such as the Catholic Boy

Scouts, Ecclesiastical Volunteers, Valliant Hearts and Valliant Souls, Catholic

Agricultural Youth, Rural Catholic Youth, and Catholic Youth Workers.60

Another promoter of Catholic lay associations was Bishop Le Huu Tu, who

was ordained in 1945. Like the associations promoted by Bishop Can, Tu’s

associations were wide-ranging in scope. Some of these associations were

focused on spiritual matters, while others were socio-political in nature.61 In

fact, as the Bishop of Phat Diem, Tu took on the role of a civil leader as well as

the tasks of a spiritual leader. He was famous for establishing a self-defence

militia in Phat Diem to defend this diocese from Viet Minh aggression during

the First Indochina War. While the Catholic Church of Vietnam at first supported Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh, by 1946 the relationship between the

Viet Minh and the Catholic Church deteriorated as mutual distrust and tension

arose.62 Feeling threatened, the Vietnamese Catholic hierarchy took an anticommunist stance and encouraged Vietnamese Catholics to fight against

communism. Therefore during the First Indochina War, the Catholic Church in

Phat Diem took on the role of government and looked after the social and welfare needs of the people, providing them with health care, education, and social

activities.63 This tendency of the Catholic clergy to become involved in civic

and social matters continued in South Vietnam in the 1960s.

By the mid-1960s, there were a number of Catholic youth groups, many of

which were based around the universities. The Catholic Student Federation

(CSF) was among the more influential of the associations. Its president was a

militant anti-communist university student, Tran Ngoc Bau. The federation was

composed of three smaller organizations: the Young Catholic Students, the

Legion of Mary, and the Congregation of Mary. The CSF also included about

500 university students from Saigon.64 There were also associations affiliated

with international Catholic movements, such as the Young Christian Workers

Association.65

In 1974, the Tong Lien Doan Sinh Vien Cong Giao Viet Nam (the General

League of Catholic University Students) was founded with Nguyen Van Cuong

as the general secretary. The goal of this league was to coordinate the many

Catholic youth organizations and to promote the expansion of their activities.

The opening ceremony saw the attendance of many government officials as

well as church leaders, including the Archbishop of Saigon, Nguyen Van

Binh.66 Associated branches of this organization were founded in Hue, Nha

Trang, and Dalat. Their activities included social events and charity work; for

example, the Dalat group organized a work project at the Tieu Khu hospital in

Dalat. The members helped to clean and make repairs at the hospital. In Saigon

they organized lectures and social events.67

Some of the youth associations published their own journals, such as

Thong Cam and Hien Dien. Established in 1956, Thong Cam was edited by

CSF president Tran Ngoc Bau. Thong Cam focused on more socio-political

than spiritual issues. While there were announcements about Catholic religious

and lay activities, the journal aspired to be the voice of students in general.Edited by Nguyen Tran Quy, Hien Dien was published jointly by four university Catholic associations: those from the universities of Hue, Dalat, Saigon and

Can Tho from 1970–1971. Articles in Hien Dien discussed education, the role

of students in society, student movements in Vietnam and around the world, as

well as presenting a forum for poetry and prose. The journal clearly held a politically conservative viewpoint, distancing itself from the more radical student

groups, particularly the General Association of University Students. In one

issue, Hien Dien featured an interview with a delegation of American Youth for

Just Peace, a group based in Washington, D.C., who wanted “real” peace for

Vietnam, but not peace at any price. In other words, American Youth for Just

Peace was not supporting a peace that would mean a communist-controlled

South Vietnam. Significantly, the General Association of University Students of

Saigon did not meet with this group.68

Despite the journal’s conservative stance, it was not an organ of the South

Vietnamese government. In fact, in 1971 Hien Dien was fined for contravening

censorship laws and was temporarily closed.69 The offending article was a

philosophical discussion written by Father Nguyen Van Thanh of Hue, discussing whether or not Vietnamese should oppose communism. Father Thanh’s

article probably crossed the line of acceptability when he suggested that Marx

had some valuable insights and that fighting communism with guns and bullets

was not effective. Moreover, Thanh argued that the choices between pro and

anti-communism were too narrow and not realistic.70 This critical and openminded view was clearly not tolerated by the government censor.

In addition to print media and voluntary associations, Vietnamese

Catholics at times also took to the streets. Not to be outdone by their religious rivals, the Buddhists, Catholics organized many political rallies and

demonstrations in the mid-1960s. In January 1964, the CSF organized two

rallies to protest against France’s advocacy of neutralism as a way to stop the

civil war. In 1963, French President Charles de Gaulle proposed a peace settlement in Vietnam that would begin with the withdrawal of American forces

from South Vietnam. The issue of neutralism emerged again in January

1964, when rumour swirled that members of General Minh’s government

were contemplating seriously de Gaulle’s peace proposal.71 To the CSF, neutralism was a euphemism for a communist takeover. The president of CSF,

Tran Ngoc Bau, stated in a conversation with first secretary of the American

embassy that many Catholics felt that General Duong Van Minh and his government were weak and ineffectual and would not be able to stand up to

North Vietnam.72

South Vietnam was a tinder box in 1964–1965 when military coups and

counter-coups saw governments come and go in a matter of months. The many

street protests and demonstrations that took place in major cities are evidence

of people’s frustrations with the political instability. After General Minh’s government was overthrown in January 1964, General Nguyen Khanh came to

power. In an attempt to appease the disgruntled Buddhist leaders who accused

Khanh of still harbouring Diem supporters in his government and of discriminatory policies against Buddhists, Khanh took some actions which in turn

angered the Catholic population.73 The first was to execute Ngo Dinh Can, one

of Diem’s brothers, for acting as a virtual warlord of Hue. Khanh also prosecuted Major Dang Sy, who gave the order to South Vietnamese troops to open

fire on Buddhist demonstrators in May 1963. As Major Sy was a Catholic, this

upset the Catholic population and the Catholic press harshly criticized the government for pandering to the militant Buddhists. The newspaper Xay Dung

accused the government of using Sy as a scapegoat and suggested that this was

analogous to the Dreyfus Affair in France.74 Provoking Vietnamese Catholics

further was Khanh’s decision to repeal Decree 10 which classified Buddhism as

an association and not a religion, a law which Buddhists rightly felt was discriminatory against them.

In response to Khanh’s concessions to the Buddhists and with the encouragement of the Catholic hierarchy, an estimated 35,000 Catholics took part in

the demonstration on 7 June 1964, in Saigon.75 According to an American

embassy report, demonstrators carried both English and Vietnamese banners

with slogans such as: Opposition to Neutralism and Communism; Readiness to

Fight for Nation and Church; Requests that the GVN and US be Resolute in

Anti-Communist Effort.76 There were also anti-Lodge banners, but American

officials attributed these to “agitators.”77 These demonstrations and protests

from the Catholic community produced some results; in particular, the South

Vietnamese government quietly promised Catholics that Sy would be pardoned

after a suitable amount of time had passed.78

翻譯成正體中文

June 7th Catholic Demonstration. Xay Dung, 9 June 1964, 1.

By late summer of 1964, more demonstrations erupted in South Vietnam as

Khanh attempted to use the Gulf of Tonkin incident to move toward authoritarian rule. On 17 August, Khanh promulgated a new constitution that would make

him the president of South Vietnam. This resulted in massive protests; this time

Buddhists and students took the lead. At this point, many Catholic leaders supported Khanh’s new constitution.79 Father Vu Duc Trinh applauded Khanh’s

attempt to secure more power and urged the government and the United States

to use the Gulf of Tonkin incident to take a hard line against North Vietnam.80

The new wave of Buddhist-led protests also inflamed tension between the

two religious communities, resulting in violence in August between Buddhist

and Catholic students. On 21 August, Catholic youths burned down the headquarters of a Buddhist student association. In retaliation, on 24 August, a group

of 10,000 Buddhists attacked and burned down a Catholic village outside of

Danang.81 To quell the anger, Khanh resigned, but he remained influential, contributing to the direction of the new government under Tran Van Huong.

Huong’s tenure lasted until January 1965, and Phan Huy Quat became the

new civilian Prime Minister in February. With Quat’s proposed plan to open

talks with the NLF, Catholic leaders along with other anti-communist proponents once again launched attacks on this government. Catholic leaders also

charged that Quat was anti-Catholic for some of his decisions. For example,

Quat dismissed the pro-Catholic governor of Saigon, the Catholic commander

of the navy, and a number of Catholic army officers. Quat also made some cabinet appointments of which Catholics disapproved.82 By the summer of 1965,

militant Catholics, led by Fathers Hoang Quynh and Ho Van Vui, were mobilizing against Prime Minister Quat.83 Father Mai Ngoc Khue told embassy

officials that Catholics would not accept anything less than the removal of Quat

from office.84 Father Vu Duc Trinh was quoted as saying: “Catholic hostility to

Quat is beyond reconciliation; Quat has to go.”85 Apparently, the Catholic leaders set up a special fund to help with expenses associated with casualties for the

upcoming struggle. A violent confrontation was avoided with Quat’s overthrow

by Air Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky in June.86

Catholic political agitation would continue whenever Catholics felt their

interests were threatened. In the summer of 1965, Catholics organized demonstrations against Lodge, who had been re-appointed as American ambassador to

Vietnam.87 In the spring of 1966, Catholics again organized mass demonstrations against what they believed was the government’s “capitulation to

Buddhist ultimatums.”88 Catholic leaders were cognizant of their ability to

destabilize governments when they mobilized themselves, using all the

resources they had at hand, including access to American officials and support

from American Catholic organizations and hierarchy.

After 1966, the political situation appeared relatively less volatile. Nguyen

Cao Ky’s brutal repression of the Buddhist demonstrations in Hue and Danang

in the spring of 1966 succeeded in quelling the Buddhist protest movement.

While this did not extinguish Buddhist opposition,89 it brought some of the dramatic street demonstrations of the previous year to an end for the time being.

The level of Catholic public demonstrations also seemed to subside. The subsequent elections and the formation of the Second Republic (1967–1975)

provided some avenues for political opposition. In the fall of 1966, elections

were held to establish the Constituent Assembly and in the following year, elections for the upper and lower houses, and the presidency took place.90 While

these elections were fraught with problems and it is debatable whether or not

the legislature actually had any real power, the elections did put an end to the

series of military coups which plagued the period of 1963–1965.

Catholic politicians certainly took the opportunities offered by these elections to assert themselves by running their own candidates. As mentioned

earlier, Catholics were by no means unified in their political views. By 1967,

there were two competing national Catholic political parties: the Greater

Solidarity Force and the Catholic Citizens’ Bloc.91 These two parties were successful in electing 13 deputies to the lower house in 1967.92 In addition, 17

other Catholic representatives had been elected to the lower house through

local, rather than national, Catholic organizations. In the lower house, Catholic

representatives tended to form coalitions with conservative blocs. The Doc Lap

or Independence Bloc, described by Goodman as “the most conservative and

the most stable” faction, was composed mainly of northern Catholics of the

Greater Solidarity Force and the Catholic Citizens’ Bloc.93 Highly influential in

1965, the Independence Bloc was virulently anti-communist and opposed any attempts at negotiating with the NLF and North Vietnam. The Bloc was also

strongly opposed to any attempt at rapprochement with Buddhists.94

While the political conservatives and moderates could vie to effect change

through the electoral process, the more radical activists still tried to voice their

concerns through various means. Oppositional papers from both Catholics and

non-Catholics continued to dodge censors and government harassment. By the

early 1970s, some of the Catholic papers were adopting a more critical stance

regarding the war and American policies.95 While anti-Americanism sentiments began emerging among non-communists in the late 1960s, by 1970 it

became more prevalent. The American use of herbicides in South Vietnam

became a hot issue in the Vietnamese press. Catholic papers such as Tin Sang

and Hoa Binh, along with secular papers, began to focus on this issue in order

to express more general objections against the United States.96

The American government was not the only subject of criticism in the

1970s. The government of Nguyen Van Thieu, which was in power from

1967–1975, also received media scrutiny. Some of this came from Catholic

papers. One prominent oppositional Catholic journal, Doi Dien, established in

1970, was highly critical of Thieu. Published by a Redemptorist priest Father

Chan Tin and philosophy professor Nguyen Ngoc Lan, Doi Dien called for

peace and focused on issues such as human-rights abuses in the state prisons,

government corruption, and drug trafficking among military leaders.97 By

1972, Doi Dien was shut down by the government and Father Chan Tin had

been arrested many times. Despite this harassment, Chan Tin continued to call

attention to the abuses in the prison system by spearheading the “Committee for

Prison Reform in South Vietnam.”98

In 1974, Thieu faced more opposition from another Redemptorist Catholic

priest, Father Tran Huu Thanh, who led an anti-corruption campaign against

Thieu.99 Father Thanh accused Thieu of “perverting anti-communism for personal and corrupt purposes.”100 He accused Thieu’s wife, Nguyen Thi Mai Anh

Khue, who headed her own women’s charitable organization, of misusing charity funds. Thieu responded to these accusations by shutting down the three

newspapers that carried Father Thanh’s indictments. As Thanh was a staunch

anti-communist with connections to the Army of the Republic of Vietnam’s

military academy, his challenge to Thieu was formidable — Thieu could not

simply dismiss him as someone misguided by communist propaganda. Thanh’s

campaign, along with Thieu’s own actions, and the desperate situation of the

war, contributed to Thieu’s loss of Catholic support by 1974. However, this loss

of support mattered little at this point in time, as South Vietnam was unravelling quickly and the communist victory was just a matter of time.

Conclusion

This brief survey of some of the social and political activities of Vietnamese

Catholics in South Vietnam suggests that Vietnamese Catholics were highly

organized and proactive in trying to influence the social and political events of

their time. Many Catholic orders and lay volunteers worked quietly to provide

humanitarian relief during the war; in this endeavour they worked enthusiastically with foreign government agencies and NGOs in order to obtain funds and

organizational support. These religious organizations also worked closely with

the South Vietnamese state to provide aid to orphans and refugees. In their

reliance on the state and on foreign governments and agencies, Vietnamese

Catholics were not unaware of the negative political implications of their relationships. Like many non-communist Vietnamese, however, Catholic relief

organizations saw few options but to accept foreign and state aid. In fact,

Vietnamese Catholic charities did their best to attract state and foreign aid, as

war relief was considered important in building and maintaining a non-communist South Vietnam. Consequently, the Catholic Church of Vietnam

encouraged humanitarian work among parishioners and framed it not only as

religious duty, but also as a patriotic responsibility of citizens.

Vietnamese Catholics and clergy also did not shy away from participating

in politics. Catholic leaders used the press, voluntary associations, and public

demonstrations to assert themselves in the public sphere. In 1964–1966,

Catholics took to the streets to voice their concerns regarding ineffective governance, the state’s supposedly anti-Catholic policies, and soft stance on

communism. In the 1966–1967 period, Catholics became heavily involved with

electoral politics, making sure that Catholics were well represented in the upper

and lower houses. They continued to work behind the scenes and in the spotlight to protect what they deemed were Catholic interests. Since many of the

more vocal and active Catholic leaders were militantly anti-communists and

supporters of the war, Catholics as a group appeared as mere puppets of the

United States and South Vietnamese governments. However, as this paper

argues, many different perspectives existed among Catholics, including those

who supported a political and neutralist solution to end the war. This paper also shows that despite sharing similar goals and political views with the United

States government, the strongly anti-communist Catholic leaders and movements were not passive tools to be manipulated by foreign governments. On the

contrary, they were dynamic activists and politicians who went to great lengths

to forge strategic alliances to achieve political goals that they themselves had

identified: to maintain a non-communist South Vietnam and not to create a

dependency for American neo-colonial power.

* * *

VAN NGUYEN-MARSHALL is an Associate Professor in History at Trent

University. She has published on charity and philanthropy in colonial Vietnam

and is currently working on middle-class identity and associational life in South

Vietnam during the 1960s-1970s.

VAN NGUYEN-MARSHALL est professeure agrégée d’histoire à l’Université

Trent. Elle a publié des études sur la charité et la philanthropie dans le Vietnam

colonial et travaille actuellement sur l’identité de la classe moyenne et la vie

associative dans le sud du Vietnam au cours des années 1960 et 1970.