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Ah Ku 和 Karayuki-san:新加坡的卖淫,1870-1940 年。



Ah Ku and Karayuki-san: Prostitution in Singapore, 1870-1940. By JAMES FRANCIS WARREN. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1993. xvi, 434 pp. $65.00.



Ah Ku 和 Karayuki-san:新加坡的卖淫,1870-1940 年。 作者:詹姆斯-弗兰西斯-沃伦。 新加坡。牛津大学出版社,1993 年: xvi, 434 pp. $65.00.

研究有组织女性卖淫的社会史学家发现自己至少面临两个难题。 首先,如何确定和控诉卖淫活动中更具压迫性的方面,而又不使卖淫妇女沦为这一制度的棋子。 其次,如何从当事人的视角描绘她们的日常生活和世界,同时又能勾勒出影响这些生活的宏观背景问题,如不断变化的政治经济、国家结构和性别意识形态。 为了解决这些问题,詹姆斯-沃伦将其著作一分为二。 前半部分提供了新加坡妓院卖淫的宏观历史;后半部分则侧重于日本妓女和中国妓女(分别称为卡拉月小姐和啊库小姐)的实际生活细节。

从题为 "父权制、贫穷与繁荣 "的章节开始,沃伦指出了在中国和日本招募中国和日本妇女卖淫并将她们运往新加坡的根本原因。 然后,他描述了新加坡妓院的地理、人口和组织情况;供应和控制这些妇女的代理人和机构;以及英国政府在试图管理这种被视为必要的社会罪恶时不断变化的殖民政策。 本书的后半部分重点介绍了 "啊库 "和 "karayuki-san "的真实生活,并参考了各种口述历史、验尸官报告和其他观察者的记录。 沃伦从中国和日本的村庄开始叙述,描述了年轻女性前往新加坡的旅程、她们作为妓院居民的日常生活、她们所服务的男性客户、通过婚姻或买断退出这一行业的机会,以及她们晚年的前景。

与他的前一本著作《人力车苦力》(新加坡:牛津大学出版社,1986 年)一样,沃伦渴望写一部另类的新加坡历史。 他指出,"新加坡社会的历史记忆不是由一根单一的丝线构成,而是由一条纠缠不清的纱线构成。 有一种是能言善辩、位高权重者的主流记忆,这些记忆被精心记录下来,往往是有选择性地记录给后人的;还有一种是'底层人民、弱势群体和战败者的历史'的见证,他们对过去的记忆是无数的另类记忆"(第 388 页)。 当然,他所选择的主题和他所宣称的目标都很重要,但他试图为这些 "黑夜中的女人 "的记忆发声的努力并不完全成功。 他的散文风格各异,既有称职的历史描写,也有试图唤起读者共鸣的段落,但却给读者留下了戏剧化的印象。 例如,在讨论验尸官文件的使用时,我们读到:"这一资料来源和方法让历史学家对新加坡过去重要的、几乎无法提及的主题--卖淫、妇女地位和从属地位、性与爱以及死亡--进行了深入的思考"(第 14 页)。 同样,使用口述历史的困难 "被语言揭开这些妓女生活中沉默面纱的巨大力量和奇迹所抵消"(第 15 页)。 此外,"卡拉尤基山和妓院的照片既是功能性的,也是象征性的,可以让人惊叹、狰狞或微笑;这些黑白照片是新加坡生活本身的无价片段,每张照片都在讲述自己的故事"(第 17 页)。

这本书也太长了;分为两个不同的部分导致了冗余和一些混乱,在书的后半部分,同一妓女的故事被一章又一章地重述,因为讨论的是她们生活的不同方面。 沃伦也没有充分区分中国和日本女性不同的社会和性风俗,他经常将自己的解释归结为 "父权制 "这个并不十分具有启发性的术语。 令人惊讶的是,尽管他声称自己受到了人种学的启发,却没有提到约翰-恩布里的经典著作《Suye Mura》(芝加哥大学出版社,1939 年),该书讲述的正是他声称要讲述的地区和日本妇女的口述历史。

尽管存在这些不足,但沃伦的书中有大量关于新加坡历史的资料,而这些资料往往被其他历史学家所忽视。 我们还能在书中找到对社会历史学家的教益和告诫,因为社会历史学家试图为那些一直保持沉默的底层人民讲述他们的故事,这是一项艰巨的工作。 这样的写作需要一种微妙而复杂的方法,不易掌握。

夏伦-卡斯滕斯 波特兰州立大学

Social historians of organized female prostitution find themselves faced with at least two dilemmas. First, how to identify and indict the more oppressive aspects of prostitution without making the women appear as mere pawns of the system. Second, how to portray the daily lives and worlds of the people involved from their own perspectives while also delineating the contextual macro-issues such as changing political economies, state structures, and gender ideologies that shaped these lives. James Warren addresses these problems by dividing his book in two. The first half offers a macrohistory of brothel prostitution in Singapore; the second focuses on details in the actual lives of the Japanese and Chinese prostitutes, known, respectively, as karayuki-san and ah ku.

Beginning with a chapter titled "Patriarchy, Poverty, and Prosperity," Warren identifies underlying causes behind the procurement of Chinese and Japanese women for prostitution in China and Japan and their shipment to Singapore. He then describes the geography, demography, and organization of Singapore's brothels; the agents and agencies who supplied and controlled the women; and the shifting colonial policies of the British government as it attempted to manage what was seen as a necessary social evil. The book's second half focuses on the actual lives of the ah ku and karayuki-san, drawing on a variety of oral history accounts, coroner's reports, and other observer's records. Beginning the narratives back in the villages of China and Japan, Warren describes the journeys of the young women to Singapore; the routines of their daily lives as brothel inhabitants; the male clients whom they served; the opportunities to leave the trade by marriage or buying themselves out; and their prospects in old age.

As with his previous book, Rickshaw Coolie (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986), Warren aspires to write an alternative history of Singapore. He notes that "the historical memory of Singaporean society is constituted not of one single strand, but of a tangled skein. There is a dominant memory, carefully and often selectively recorded for posterity, of the articulate and powerful, and there are the numerous alternative memories of the past from the testimony of 'the under-classes, the underprivileged, and the defeated the history of the powerless" (p. 388). Certainly the subject matter he has chosen and his stated goals are important, yet his attempt to give voice to the memories of these "women of the night" is not entirely successful. His prose style varies from competent historical description to passages that attempt to be evocative, yet strike this reader as melodramatic. For example, in discussing use of the coroner's documents, we read, "this source and approach involves the historian in the intimate contemplation of important, almost unmentionable, subjects in Singapore's past-prostitution, the status and subordination of women, sex and love, and death" (p. 14). Similarly, the difficulties of using oral history "are more than offset by the awesome power and wonder of language lifting the veil of silence from around the lives of these prostitutes" (p. 15). And "photographs of the karayuki- san and the brothels were both functional and symbolic objects which can make one gasp, grimace, or smile; the black-and-white images are priceless snatches of Singapore life itself, each telling its own story" (p. 17).

This book is also too long; the division into two distinct parts leads to redundancy and some confusion, and in the second half of the book, stories of the same prostitutes are retold chapter after chapter as different aspects of their lives are discussed. Warren also does not keep the different social and sexual mores of Chinese and Japanese women sufficiently distinct, often lumping his explanations under the not terribly illuminating term of "patriarchy." Surprisingly, though claiming ethnographic inspiration, he makes no reference to John Embree's classic, Suye Mura (University of Chicago Press, 1939), which deals with the very region and Japanese women whose oral histories he purports to tell.

Despite these shortcomings, Warren's book is rich in data on aspects of Singapore history too often neglected by other historians. We find here, too, lessons and admonitions for the social historian who attempts the difficult job of speaking for heretofore silent underclasses. Such writing requires a delicate and sophisticated approach that is not easily mastered.

SHARON CARSTENS Portland State University

越南殖民地的日本妓女

越南殖民時期的日本妓女

人工智慧驅動的概述
19世紀末20世紀初,日本女性被稱為“唐幸桑被販賣到法屬印度支那殖民地(包括越南)當妓女: 
  • 起源
    “Karayuki-san”一詞的字面意思是“去中國的人”,指的是九州西部和北部的方言,這些女性中的許多人都來自該地區。 
  • 到達
    1884年至1885年,第一批日本妓女抵達越南,以滿足中法戰爭期間駐紮在北方的法國軍隊的需求。 
  • 人氣
    法國士兵認為日本女性乾淨,很受歡迎。 
  • 目的地
    這些婦女被送往河內、海防和西貢等城市。 
  • 人口販賣
    這些婦女往往是貧窮漁民的女兒,調解員拜訪她們,並承諾向她們的家人提供補償。 
  • 日本政府
    日本政府試圖隱瞞這些妓女的存在,並且在歷史書中沒有提及她們。 
日本妓女也出現在東南亞的其他歐洲殖民地,如新加坡、澳洲和美國。 

[圖]越南殖民地的日本妓女







細節
發表於 2015 年 7 月 15 日 星期三 11:50
西貢人寫的。

在她的 西貢 - Cho Lon 部落格中,陳碧春 (Chen Bichun) 最近探索了許多很少被討論的歷史層面之一——19 世紀末和 20 世紀初,亞洲各地被迫賣淫的數千名日本婦女。

雖然它指的是九州西部和北部的方言,但“Karyuki-San”字面意思是“去中國的人”,最終成為海外日本妓女的代名詞,因為他們中的許多人都來自這裡。

這些婦女通常是貧困漁民的女兒,調解員會拜訪她們,向她們的家人提供補償,並承諾她們的女兒將前往海外執行公務。

然後,她們被賣給海外妓院的老闆,並被送往繁華的殖民港口城市,包括新加坡、檳城、馬六甲、瑞天鹹港、山打根、古晉、雅加達、泗水、曼谷、西貢、海防和河內。

在越南,Karyuki-San於1884年至1885年首次大規模出現,以滿足中法戰爭期間駐紮在北方的法國軍隊數量不斷增加的需求。


根據官方記錄,到1908年,生活在印度支那的日本人絕大多數都是妓女。

諷刺的是,Karyuki-San 在越南的存在導致了輔助企業的建立,這些企業最終將取代當地的日本性產業。


1913年,日本帝國海軍中校木村三郎視察法屬印度支那日本人民的處境:

「法屬印度支那的情況和東南亞其他地方一樣,最早的日本定居者都是妓女和皮條客。後來,小店主搬到這裡,向妓女提供商品和需要,例如:和服店、洗衣店、理髮店和攝影師了解了當地的情況後,商人也跟著他們的腳步來到了,然後知識分子和其他想自薦的日本人也搬到了這裡。

這些經濟發展與日本本土社會規範的改變同時發生。 1920年,政府頒布法令結束了賣淫合法化的時代,到1923年,印度支那的所有日本妓院都被關閉。

返回日本後,大多數 Karyuki-San 都被家人瞧不起並拋棄,並因他們大多數人沒有選擇的職業而感到羞恥。

請訪問Bichun 的博客,以了解有關 Karyuki-San 和其他經常被忽視的越南歷史片段的更多詳細資訊。


Japanese Prostitutes Of Colonial Vietnam

[Photos] The Japanese Prostitutes Of Colonial Vietnam

Details
Published on Wednesday, 15 July 2015 11:50
Written by Saigoneer.

Over at her Saigon - Cho Lon blog, Chen Bichun recently explored one of the many rarely discussed layers of history – the thousands of Japanese women who were forced into prostitution across Asia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Though it refers to a dialect spoken in west and north Kyushu, "Karyuki-San," literally “someone who goes to China,” eventually became synonymous with overseas Japanese prostitutes as this is the region from which many of them hailed.

These women where often the daughters of poor fishermen who were visited by mediators that offered compensation to the families, promising that their daughters were going overseas for public duty.

They were then sold off to the owners over overseas brothels and sent to bustling colonial port cities including Singapore, Penang, Malacca, Port Swettenham,  Sandakan, Kuching, Jakarta, Surabaya, Bangkok, Saigon, Hai Phong and Hanoi.

In Vietnam, Karyuki-San first appeared in mass in 1884-1885 to meet the demand of the growing number of French troops stationed in the North during the Sino-French War.

According to official records, by 1908, the vast majority of Japanese living in Indochina were prostitutes.

Ironically, the presence of Karyuki-San in Vietnam resulted in the establishment of ancillary businesses that would eventually replace the local Japanese sex industry.

In 1913, Kimura Saburo, a Lieutenant Colonel in the Imperial Japanese Navy inspected the situation of Japanese people in French Indochina:

"The situation in French Indochina was same as the other place in Southeast Asia. The first Japanese settlers were prostitutes and pimps. Later, the small shopkeeper moved to here to offer the commodity and needs to prostitutes, ex: Kimono shop, laundry shop, hairdressing shop, and photographer. After they understand the local situation, merchants follow their step arrived, then intellectuals and other Japanese individual who would like to refer to himself to move to here.”

These economic developments coincided with changing social norms on the Japanese mainland. In 1920, the government issued a decree ending the age of legalized prostitution and, by 1923, all Japanese brothels in Indochina had been closed.

Upon their return to Japan, most Karyuki-San were looked down upon and abandoned by their families, shamed by a profession most of them didn't chose.

Head over to Bichun’s blog for more details about Karyuki-San and other often overlooked pieces of Vietnamese history.


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