摘錄：2025年美國《國家安全戰略》中國政策相關段落

 

摘錄：2025年美國《國家安全戰略》中國政策相關段落

以下是從官方文件（https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/2025-National-Security-Strategy.pdf

中摘錄的完整相關段落，聚焦於中國政策、威脅描述及美國對華戰略。摘錄來自IV. The Strategy > 3. The Regions > B. Asia 部分（頁碼約為文件第15-25頁，依PDF結構）。我保留原文英文，並附上流利中文翻譯，以確保精確性。其他部分（如引言、原則、歐洲等）無直接討論中國內容。

主要主題1: 領導從強勢位置（Leading from a Position of Strength）

原文摘錄： "President Trump single-handedly reversed more than three decades of mistaken American assumptions about China: namely, that by opening our markets to China, encouraging American business to invest in China, and outsourcing our manufacturing to China, we would facilitate China’s entry into the so-called “rules-based international order.” This did not happen. China got rich and powerful, and used its wealth and power to its considerable advantage. American elites—over four successive administrations of both political parties—were either willing enablers of China’s strategy or in denial. The Indo-Pacific is already the source of almost half the world’s GDP based on purchasing power parity (PPP), and one third based on nominal GDP. That share is certain to grow over the 21st century. Which means that the Indo-Pacific is already and will continue to be among the next century’s key economic and geopolitical battlegrounds. To thrive at home, we must successfully compete there—and we are. President Trump signed major agreements during his October 2025 travels that further deepen our powerful ties of commerce, culture, technology, and defense, and reaffirm our commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific. America retains tremendous assets—the world’s strongest economy and military, world-beating innovation, unrivaled “soft power,” and a historic record of benefiting our allies and partners—that enable us to compete successfully. President Trump is building alliances and strengthening partnerships in the Indo-Pacific that will be the bedrock of security and prosperity long into the future."

中文翻譯： 「川普總統單槍匹馬扭轉了三十多年來美國對中國的錯誤假設：即透過開放美國市場給中國、鼓勵美國企業投資中國，以及將製造業外包給中國，我們將促成中國加入所謂的『基於規則的國際秩序』。這件事並沒有發生。中國變得富有且強大，並利用其財富與權力來最大化自身優勢。美國菁英——橫跨兩個政黨的四屆政府——要麼是中國策略的積極幫兇，要麼就是處於否認階段。印太地區已貢獻全球近半的購買力平價（PPP）GDP，以及三分之一的名義GDP。這一比例在本世紀將持續增長。這意味著印太地區已是、並將繼續成為下個世紀關鍵的經濟與地緣政治戰場。要在國內茁壯，我們必須在那裡成功競爭——而我們正在這麼做。川普總統在2025年10月的出訪中簽署重大協議，進一步深化我們在商業、文化、技術與國防方面的強大紐帶，並重申對自由開放印太的承諾。美國保有巨大資產——全球最強經濟與軍力、領先全球的創新、無與倫比的『軟實力』，以及惠及盟友與夥伴的歷史紀錄——這些讓我們能成功競爭。川普總統正在打造印太聯盟與夥伴關係，這將成為未來安全與繁榮的基石。」

主要主題2: 經濟：終極賭注（Economics: The Ultimate Stakes）

原文摘錄： "Since the Chinese economy reopened to the world in 1979, commercial relations between our two countries have been and remain fundamentally unbalanced. What began as a relationship between a mature, wealthy economy and one of the world’s poorest countries has transformed into one between near-peers, even as, until very recently, America’s posture remained rooted in those past assumptions. China adapted to the shift in U.S. tariff policy that began in 2017 in part by strengthening its hold on supply chains, especially in the world’s low- and middle-income (i.e., per capita GDP $13,800 or less) countries—among the greatest economic battlegrounds of the coming decades. China’s exports to low-income countries doubled between 2020 and 2024. The United States imports Chinese goods indirectly from middlemen and Chinese-built factories in a dozen countries, including Mexico. China’s exports to low-income countries are today nearly four times its exports to the United States. When President Trump first took office in 2017, China’s exports to the United States stood at 4 percent of its GDP but have since fallen to slightly over 2 percent of its GDP. China continues, however, to export to the United States through other proxy countries. Going forward, we will rebalance America’s economic relationship with China, prioritizing reciprocity and fairness to restore American economic independence. Trade with China should be balanced and focused on non-sensitive factors. If America remains on a growth path—and can sustain that while maintaining a genuinely mutually advantageous economic relationship with Beijing—we should be headed from our present $30 trillion economy in 2025 to $40 trillion in the 2030s, putting our country in an enviable position to maintain our status as the world’s leading economy. Our ultimate goal is to lay the foundation for long-term economic vitality. Importantly, this must be accompanied by a robust and ongoing focus on deterrence to prevent war in the Indo-Pacific. This combined approach can become a virtuous cycle as strong American deterrence opens up space for more disciplined economic action, while more disciplined economic action leads to greater American resources to sustain deterrence in the long term.

To accomplish this, several things are essential. First, the United States must protect and defend our economy and our people from harm, from any country or source. This means ending (among other things): • Predatory, state-directed subsidies and industrial strategies; • Unfair trading practices; • Job destruction and deindustrialization; • Grand-scale intellectual property theft and industrial espionage; • Threats against our supply chains that risk U.S. access to critical resources, including minerals and rare earth elements; • Exports of fentanyl precursors that fuel America’s opioid epidemic; and • Propaganda, influence operations, and other forms of cultural subversion.

Second, the United States must work with our treaty allies and partners—who together add another $35 trillion in economic power to our own $30 trillion national economy (together constituting more than half the world economy)—to counteract predatory economic practices and use our combined economic power to help safeguard our prime position in the world economy and ensure that allied economies do not become subordinate to any competing power. We must continue to improve commercial (and other) relations with India to encourage New Delhi to contribute to Indo-Pacific security, including through continued quadrilateral cooperation with Australia, Japan, and the United States (“the Quad”). Moreover, we will also work to align the actions of our allies and partners with our joint interest in preventing domination by any single competitor nation. [...] America First diplomacy seeks to rebalance global trade relationships. We have made clear to our allies that America’s current account deficit is unsustainable. We must encourage Europe, Japan, Korea, Australia, Canada, Mexico, and other prominent nations in adopting trade policies that help rebalance China’s economy toward household consumption, because Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East cannot alone absorb China’s enormous excess capacity. [...] China’s state-led and state-backed companies excel in building physical and digital infrastructure, and China has recycled perhaps $1.3 trillion of its trade surpluses into loans to its trading partners. America and our allies have not yet formulated, much less executed, a joint plan for the so-called “Global South,” but together possess tremendous resources."

中文翻譯： 「自1979年中國經濟重新向世界開放以來，我們兩國的商業關係一直且仍舊嚴重失衡。原本是成熟富裕經濟體與世界上最貧窮國家之間的關係，已轉變為近乎對等的關係，即便直到最近，美國的立場仍根植於過去的假設。中國部分透過強化對供應鏈的掌控來適應2017年開始的美國關稅政策轉變，特別是在全球低收入與中收入國家（即人均GDP 13,800美元或以下）——這些是未來數十年最大的經濟戰場。中國對低收入國家的出口在2020年至2024年間翻倍。美國間接從中間商及中國在十多個國家（包括墨西哥）興建的工廠進口中國貨品。中國對低收入國家的出口如今幾乎是其對美國出口的四倍。川普總統2017年首次上任時，中國對美出口佔其GDP的4%，但如今已降至略高於2%。然而，中國仍透過其他代理國家繼續對美出口。今後，我們將重新平衡美國與中國的經濟關係，優先考慮互惠與公平，以恢復美國經濟獨立。與中國的貿易應保持平衡，並聚焦於非敏感領域。若美國維持成長軌道——並能在維持與北京真正互惠經濟關係的同時持續成長——我們應從2025年的30兆美元經濟規模，邁向2030年代的40兆美元，讓國家處於維持全球領先經濟地位的絕佳位置。我們的終極目標是奠定長期經濟活力的基礎。重要的是，這必須伴隨著強健且持續的威懾重點，以防止印太戰爭。這一綜合方法可形成良性循環：強大的美國威懾為更嚴謹的經濟行動開闢空間，而更嚴謹的經濟行動則帶來更多美國資源，以長期維持威懾。

要實現這一點，有幾件事至關重要。首先，美國必須保護並捍衛我們的經濟與人民免受任何國家或來源的傷害。這意味著終止（其中包括）： • 掠奪性、國家主導的補貼與產業策略； • 不公平貿易做法； • 就業摧毀與去工業化； • 大規模智慧財產權盜竊與產業間諜； • 威脅供應鏈，危及美國取得關鍵資源，包括礦物與稀土元素； • 出口芬太尼前驅物，助長美國鴉片類流行病；以及 • 宣傳、影響行動及其他形式的文化顛覆。

其次，美國必須與我們的條約盟友及夥伴合作——他們共同增添35兆美元經濟實力至我們30兆美元的國民經濟（合計超過全球一半經濟）——來對抗掠奪性經濟做法，並利用我們的綜合經濟實力來保障世界經濟中的首要地位，並確保盟國經濟不淪為任何競爭強權的附庸。我們必須持續改善與印度的商業（及其他）關係，以鼓勵新德里貢獻印太安全，包括透過澳洲、日本與美國的四方合作（『四方機制』）。此外，我們也將努力讓盟友與夥伴的行動與我們共同利益一致，即防止任何單一競爭國家的主宰。[…]『美國優先』外交尋求重新平衡全球貿易關係。我們已向盟友明確表示，美國的經常帳赤字不可持續。我們必須鼓勵歐洲、日本、韓國、澳洲、加拿大、墨西哥及其他主要國家採取貿易政策，幫助中國經濟轉向家庭消費，因為東南亞、拉丁美洲與中東無法獨力吸收中國巨大的過剩產能。[…]中國的國家主導與國家支持的公司擅長興建實體與數位基礎設施，中國已將約1.3兆美元貿易盈餘回收為對貿易夥伴的貸款。美國與盟友尚未制定、遑論執行針對所謂『全球南方』的聯合計劃，但我們共同擁有巨大資源。」

主要主題3: 威懾軍事威脅（Deterring Military Threats）

原文摘錄： "In the long term, maintaining American economic and technological preeminence is the surest way to deter and prevent a large-scale military conflict. A favorable conventional military balance remains an essential component of strategic competition. There is, rightly, much focus on Taiwan, partly because of Taiwan’s dominance of semiconductor production, but mostly because Taiwan provides direct access to the Second Island Chain and splits Northeast and Southeast Asia into two distinct theaters. Given that one-third of global shipping passes annually through the South China Sea, this has major implications for the U.S. economy. Hence deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority. We will also maintain our longstanding declaratory policy on Taiwan, meaning that the United States does not support any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait.

We will build a military capable of denying aggression anywhere in the First Island Chain. But the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone. Our allies must step up and spend—and more importantly do—much more for collective defense. America’s diplomatic efforts should focus on pressing our First Island Chain allies and partners to allow the U.S. military greater access to their ports and other facilities, to spend more on their own defense, and most importantly to invest in capabilities aimed at deterring aggression. This will interlink maritime security issues along the First Island Chain while reinforcing U.S. and allies’ capacity to deny any attempt to seize Taiwan or achieve a balance of forces so unfavorable to us as to make defending that island impossible. A related security challenge is the potential for any competitor to control the South China Sea. This could allow a potentially hostile power to impose a toll system over one of the world’s most vital lanes of commerce or—worse—to close and reopen it at will. Either of those two outcomes would be harmful to the U.S. economy and broader U.S. interests. Strong measures must be developed along with the deterrence necessary to keep those lanes open, free of “tolls,” and not subject to arbitrary closure by one country. This will require not just further investment in our military—especially naval—capabilities, but also strong cooperation with every nation that stands to suffer, from India to Japan and beyond, if this problem is not addressed. Given President Trump’s insistence on increased burden-sharing from Japan and South Korea, we must urge these countries to increase defense spending, with a focus on the capabilities—including new capabilities—necessary to deter adversaries and protect the First Island Chain. We will also harden and strengthen our military presence in the Western Pacific, while in our dealings with Taiwan and Australia we maintain our determined rhetoric on increased defense spending. Preventing conflict requires a vigilant posture in the Indo-Pacific, a renewed defense industrial base, greater military investment from ourselves and from allies and partners, and winning the economic and technological competition over the long term."

中文翻譯： 「長期來看，維持美國經濟與技術優勢是最可靠的方式來威懾並防止大規模軍事衝突。有利的常規軍事平衡仍是戰略競爭的必要組成部分。正當地，焦點多放在台灣，一部分因台灣主導半導體生產，但主要是因為台灣提供通往第二島鏈的直接通道，並將東北亞與東南亞分為兩個獨立戰區。鑑於全球三分之一的航運每年經過南海，這對美國經濟有重大影響。因此，威懾台灣衝突——理想上透過維持軍事優勢——是優先事項。我們也將維持對台灣的長期宣告政策，即美國不支持台灣海峽現狀的任何單邊改變。

我們將打造一支能在第一島鏈任何地方拒止侵略的軍力。但美國軍隊無法、也不應獨力承擔這一切。我們的盟友必須加碼支出——更重要的是行動——以強化集體防衛。美國的外交努力應聚焦於敦促第一島鏈盟友與夥伴允許美軍更大程度使用其港口及其他設施、增加自身防衛支出，最重要的是投資針對威懾侵略的能力。這將連結第一島鏈沿線的海事安全議題，同時強化美國與盟友拒止任何奪取台灣或達成對我們極不利力量平衡的企圖的能力。相關安全挑戰是任何競爭者控制南海的可能性。這可能讓潛在敵對強權對全球最重要商貿航道之一強加通行費，或更糟——隨意關閉與重開。這兩種結果皆對美國經濟與更廣泛利益有害。必須制定強硬措施，伴隨著必要威懾，以維持這些航道開放、無通行費，並不受單一國家任意關閉。這不僅需要進一步投資軍事——特別是海軍——能力，還需與所有將受影響的國家強力合作，從印度到日本及其他，若問題未解決。鑑於川普總統堅持日本與韓國增加負擔分攤，我們必須敦促這些國家增加防衛支出，聚焦於必要能力——包括新能力——以威懾對手並保護第一島鏈。我們也將強化西方太平洋的軍事存在，同時在與台灣及澳洲的往來中，維持對增加防衛支出的堅定論述。防止衝突需要印太的警惕姿態、更新防衛產業基地、我們與盟友夥伴更大的軍事投資，以及長期贏得經濟與技術競爭。」

這些摘錄涵蓋文件對中國的核心政策論述：批評過去對華接觸政策、強調經濟再平衡、軍事威懾（特別是台灣與南海），並強化盟友合作。若需特定子段落分析或更多上下文，請補充指示！