菲律賓「慰安婦」雕像失踪，日本戰時遺產成為焦點
- 為避免激怒日本，羅德里戈·杜特爾特政府在 2018 年亞行峰會前拆除了這座紀念碑，後來又從雕塑家手中“偷走”
- 儘管哈佛大學教授馬克‧拉姆塞耶 (Mark Ramseyer) 辯稱她們被雇為妓女，但檔案顯示日本軍事機構強迫菲律賓婦女成為性奴隸
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一座兩公尺高的青銅雕像在馬尼拉失踪，紀念強迫成為性奴隸的菲律賓婦女軍隊日本二戰
2018年4月28日，在當年5月3日亞洲開發銀行（ADB）年度高峰會召開之前，菲律賓政府匆忙拆除了「菲律賓慰安婦」紀念碑。
總統羅德里戈·杜特爾特第二天表示，雖然這座紀念碑是“言論自由……這不是政府的政策來對抗其他國家”，因此它應該放置在其他地方。
「在日本的壓力下，它被從羅哈斯大道（馬尼拉灣旁）移走，直接移交給杜特蒂，」領導該紀念計畫的華裔非政府組織佳兆業聯合創始人特雷西塔·昂西(Teresita Ang-See) 說。
這座描繪一位穿著傳統長袍的蒙眼婦女的雕像被歸還給雕塑家喬納斯·羅塞斯進行修復和存放，而計畫資助者則在尋找其他地點。但一旦他們找到並設計了新的環境，藝術家就給非政府組織「幽靈」了。
「當他最終被追蹤到時，他說這幅畫是從他的工作室偷來的，」Ang-See 告訴《亞洲周刊》。但他無法出示任何警方報告，「而且它重達一噸，不可能被偷走」。
無法聯繫到羅塞斯置評。
律師丹尼斯·戈爾喬 (Dennis Gorecho) 表示，羅塞斯聲稱這座價值 120 萬比索（2.5 萬美元）的雕像「被身份不明的人從他的工作室偷走了」。
這座紀念碑被拆除後，一名菲律賓議員收到未經證實的消息稱，時任亞行行長中尾武彥明確告訴杜特蒂，拆除這座雕像是馬尼拉「為修建地鐵提供貸款的一個條件」。
週五，亞銀媒體和對外關係主任戴維·克魯格表示，這是「不正確的」。
「亞銀從未有人發表過這樣的聲明。我們過去沒有、現在也不會對菲律賓的任何貸款項目提出這樣的條件。所有項目貸款文件均公開披露，以提高透明度。
克魯格補充說，該銀行「沒有參與 2018 年馬尼拉地鐵計畫的任何貸款談判」。上週，該地鐵項目的第一台700 噸隧道掘進機抵達馬尼拉，三年前，日本國際協力機構(JICA)（而非亞洲開發銀行）同意為其建設提供1,045 億日圓（10 億美元）貸款。
反對
然而，日本政府公開表示反對任何形式的描繪菲律賓婦女遭受軍事虐待的紀念碑。
2018 年 1 月 9 日，即雕像在馬尼拉揭幕一個月後，前首相安倍晉三領導的政府派出由總務兼通訊部長野田聖子率領的高級代表團前往馬尼拉「禮節性拜訪」杜特蒂據共同社報道。
野田佳彥後來告訴日本媒體，她“坦白”告訴杜特蒂，“這種雕像突然出現令人遺憾”，並表示他理解東京的擔憂。
杜特蒂時任外交部長艾倫·彼得·卡耶塔諾(Alan Peter Cayetano) 也對這座雕像可能產生的影響發出警告，稱「如果你不斷提出你認為已經解決的事情，就無法長期加強你們的關係」。
東京是馬尼拉最大的官方發展援助來源，佔 2019 年所有官方發展援助（即 85 億美元貸款和贈款）的 39%。
他們在違背自己意願的情況下被圍困在自己的社區，淪為性奴隸，沒有得到報酬
然而，東京的抗議還沒結束。 2019 年1 月，第二座較小的戰時性奴隸青銅雕像——展示了一名年輕女子坐著，雙手放在腿上——在揭幕兩天后就被馬尼拉東南部拉古納省的一位市長拆除，儘管它位於裡面教會財產。
據《每日郵報》報道，日本駐馬尼拉大使館發表聲明稱，「我們認為，包括本案在內的其他國家設立『慰安婦』雕像的行為令人極其失望，與日本政府不相容」。馬尼拉新聞.
巧合的是，拉古納有一個日本為戰爭死難者建造的 11 公頃的紀念公園。 2016年，明仁天皇和美智子皇后曾到那裡獻花。
佳兆業以及 Lila Pilipina 和 Flowers4Lolas 等其他團體要求了解為什麼政府質疑這些雕像「紀念我們菲律賓母親的苦難和犧牲，卻允許存在紀念殺害我們同胞的士兵的神殿」。
Ang-See 說，值得注意的是位於邦板牙省馬巴拉卡特的神風特攻隊和平紀念神社，該神社的前身是日本自殺式飛行員起飛的機場。
據菲律賓戰爭歷史學家里卡多·何塞稱，當時的獨裁者費迪南德·馬科斯允許建造這些神社，「他希望與日本建立更牢固的關係。這對他們來說非常有意義，因為這裡是日本人在戰爭期間最大的戰場。他們在這裡失去了很多人」。
敏感話題
擁有東京外國語大學歷史學博士學位的何塞告訴《亞洲周刊》，日本政府對「慰安婦」問題仍然敏感。
「他們有受害者心態，因為他們輸掉了戰爭。對於日本人來說，從技術上講，當（1951 年）《舊金山條約》獲得批准時，所有戰爭問題都已解決。這結束了美國對日本的佔領，以換取日本接受遠東國際軍事法庭的裁決。
然而，他說，軍事法庭並未涵蓋性奴役，儘管一些婦女確實證實被強姦。這些證詞保存在美國國家檔案館中，目前仍處於密封狀態。
何塞不願對哈佛大學法學教授馬克·拉姆齊爾最近發表的一篇文章發表評論，該文章在韓國引起爭議，該文章認為“慰安婦”實際上是自願的，她們向私人招募者僱用的妓女付費，並且沒有被迫在日本的軍隊妓院工作。
菲律賓大學社會學榮譽教授蘭迪大衛回憶說，該國有兩種類型的「慰安婦」。 「Karayuki」從國外引進成為「性奴……以滿足日本士兵的性需求」。另一種類型「在違背自己意願的情況下被圍困在自己的社區，作為性奴隸，他們沒有得到報酬」。
何塞同意這一點，並補充說有足夠的書籍使用檔案資料來表明所謂的「慰安所」迫使婦女成為性奴隸。
例如，廣島和平研究所歷史學教授田中由紀於 2002 年撰寫的《日本慰安婦》指出，51 名菲律賓慰安婦的證詞表明，「受害者是在家裡、工作場所或在街上行走時被日本士兵綁架的」。街道…被帶到附近的日本駐軍，在那裡日復一日地遭到強姦」。
通常情況下，大約有10名10歲到17歲的女孩是一個連規模的部隊專用的，「每天都會被5到10名士兵強姦。田中寫道，所有受害者都沒有得到報酬，有些人被迫為他們做飯和洗衣服。
文件
何塞說，他認識已故美國歷史學家格蘭特古德曼 (Grant Goodman)，古德曼在 1990 年代初爆料了馬尼拉存在日本軍隊設立的妓院的故事。古德曼是 1945 年被派往菲律賓的美軍翻譯。
古德曼翻譯的一份文件顯示，僅在馬尼拉，日本軍方就設立了17 個專供士兵使用的“慰安所”，配備了1064 名慰安婦，另外還有4 個軍官“俱樂部”，裡面有120 多名婦女。
另一份文件引述一名被抓獲的妓院老闆的話說：「每個『慰安婦』都是按照以下合約條件受僱的…當一個女孩有能力償還付給家人的錢加上利息時，她應該得到一份免費返回韓國，然後就被認為是免費的。
1990年代初，歷史學家吉美義明在自衛隊圖書館發現一份題為《關於軍隊妓院招募婦女問題》的文件後，日本政府就「慰安婦」問題發表了一系列道歉。
但這一官方立場在 2007 年發生了戲劇性的逆轉，當時安倍稱沒有證據表明軍隊曾留存性奴隸。
根據《日本時報》報道，到 2014 年，安倍政府「承諾發起一場運動，糾正全世界流傳的『錯誤』訊息」。
儘管安倍的前任之一中曾根康弘在他的回憶錄《永無止境的海軍》中寫道，作為一名年輕的海軍軍官，他看到「一些士兵開始攻擊婦女和賭博。所以我花了很大力氣建一個慰安所」。
據《日本時報》報道，當記者後來詢問他此事時，中曾根回答說：“作為一個日本人，我認為日本應該為此道歉……並再次道歉。”
‘Comfort women’ statue missing in the Philippines as Japan’s wartime legacy under focus
- The monument was dismantled by Rodrigo Duterte’s government before a 2018 ADB summit to avoid antagonising Japan, and later ‘stolen’ from the sculptor
- Despite Harvard professor Mark Ramseyer arguing they were paid prostitutes, archives show Japan’s military establishment forced Filipino women to become sex slaves
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A two-metre-high bronze statue memorialising the Filipino women forced to become sex slaves by Japan’s military during World War II has gone missing in Manila, underscoring the country’s challenges in balancing diplomatic relations with its largest source of development aid amid calls to hold Tokyo accountable for this wartime atrocity.
The “Filipina Comfort Women” monument was hurriedly dismantled by the Philippine government on April 28, 2018 ahead of the May 3 Asian Development Bank (ADB) annual summit that year.
President Rodrigo Duterte said the next day that while the monument was “freedom of expression … it is not the policy of government to antagonise other nations” and it should therefore be placed elsewhere.
“It was removed from Roxas Boulevard [beside Manila Bay] by pressure from Japan, directly to Duterte,” said Teresita Ang-See, co-founding director of Kaisa, an ethnic Chinese NGO which led the memorial project.
The statue depicting a blindfolded woman wearing a traditional gown was returned to its sculptor Jonas Roces for repair and storage while the project funders looked for another location. But once they had found and landscaped the new setting, the artist “ghosted” the NGO.
“When he was finally traced, he said it was stolen from his studio,” Ang-See told This Week in Asia. But he could not produce any police report “and it weighs a tonne, it can’t just be stolen”.
Roces could not be reached for comment.
Lawyer Dennis Gorecho said Roces claimed the statue, valued at 1.2 million pesos (US$25,000), “was spirited away by unidentified men from his studio”.
After the monument was removed, a Philippine lawmaker received an unverified tip that then ADB president Takehiko Nakao had categorically told Duterte that dismantling the statue was “a condition for a loan for the construction of a subway” in Manila.
On Friday, ADB director for media and external relations David Kruger said this was “incorrect”.
“No one in ADB has ever made such a statement. We did not and do not place such a condition on any loan project in the Philippines. All project loan documents are publicly disclosed for transparency.”
Kruger added that the bank was “not involved in any loan negotiation for a subway project in Manila in 2018”. Last week the first 700-tonne tunnel boring machine for the subway project arrived in Manila, three years after the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), not the ADB, agreed to lend 104.5 billion yen (US$1 billion) for its construction.
OPPOSITION
However, the Japanese government has publicly voiced its opposition to any kind of memorial depicting the military abuse of Filipino women.
On January 9, 2018 – a month after the statue was unveiled in Manila – the government under former prime minister Shinzo Abe sent a high-level delegation led by his internal affairs and communications minister Seiko Noda to Manila to pay Duterte a “courtesy call”, according to Kyodo News.
Noda later told Japanese media that she had “frankly” told Duterte it was “regrettable for this kind of statue to suddenly appear” and that he understood Tokyo’s concerns.
Duterte’s foreign secretary at the time, Alan Peter Cayetano, also warned about the effect the statue could have, saying “you can’t strengthen your relationship long term if you keep bringing up things that you think are settled”.
Tokyo is Manila’s largest source of official development assistance, making up 39 per cent of all ODA, or US$8.5 billion loans and grants, in 2019. The Japanese-led ADB contributed another US$5.7 billion or 26 per cent of the total.
Rounded up in their communities against their will, kept as sex slaves, they were not paid
Tokyo was not done protesting, however. In January 2019, a second smaller bronze statue dedicated to wartime sex slaves – showing a young woman seated with hands resting on her lap – was removed by a mayor in Laguna province southeast of Manila two days after it was unveiled, even though it was inside church property.
This came after the Japanese embassy in Manila issued a statement saying, “We believe that the establishment of a ‘comfort woman’ statue in other countries, including this case, is extremely disappointing, not compatible with the Japanese government”, according to The Daily Manila Shimbun.
Coincidentally, Laguna hosts an 11-hectare memorial park built by Japan for its war dead. In 2016, Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko went there to offer flowers.
Kaisa and other groups like Lila Pilipina and Flowers4Lolas demanded to know why the government has questioned statues that “memorialise the sufferings and sacrifices of our Filipino mothers and yet allow the presence of shrines that commemorate soldiers who killed our compatriots”.
Notable, Ang-See said, is the Kamikaze Peace Memorial Shrine in Mabalacat, Pampanga on a former airfield where Japan’s suicide pilots took off from.
According to Filipino war historian Ricardo Jose, the shrines were allowed by then dictator Ferdinand Marcos “who wanted to build up stronger ties with Japan. It was very meaningful to them because this was the biggest battleground for the Japanese during the war. They lost so many men here”.
TOUCHY SUBJECT
Jose, who has a PhD in history from Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, told This Week in Asia that the Japanese government remains touchy over the “comfort women” issue.
“They have a victim mentality because they lost the war. To the Japanese, technically, all the war things were resolved when the (1951) Treaty of San Francisco was ratified.” This ended the US occupation of Japan in exchange for Japan’s acceptance of the verdicts of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East.
The military tribunal, however, did not cover sex slavery although some women did testify to being raped, he said. These testimonies, kept in the US National Archives, remain sealed.
Jose would not comment on a recent piece by Harvard law professor Mark Ramseyer that has caused controversy in South Korea by arguing that “comfort women” were actually willing, paid prostitutes contracted by private recruiters and were not forced to work in Japan’s military brothels.
Randy David, professor emeritus of sociology at the University of the Philippines, recalled there were two types of “comfort women” in the country. “Karayuki” were brought in from abroad to become “sex slaves … to satisfy the sexual needs of Japanese soldiers”. The other type “were rounded up in their communities against their will, kept as sex slaves, they were not paid”.
Jose agreed with this, adding there were enough books using archival material to show that so-called “comfort stations” had forced women to become sex slaves.
For instance, Japan’s Comfort Women, written in 2002 by history professor Yuki Tanaka of the Hiroshima Peace Institute, noted that 51 testimonies of comfort women in the Philippines found “the victims were abducted by Japanese soldiers from home, work, or while walking in the street … taken to a Japanese garrison nearby, where they were raped day after day”.
Usually, around 10 girls ranging from 10 to 17 would be for the exclusive use of a company-size unit and “would be raped by five to 10 soldiers every day. None of the victims were ever paid and some were forced to cook and wash” for them, Tanaka wrote.
DOCUMENTS
Jose said he knew the late American historian Grant Goodman who broke the story in the early 1990s about the presence of Japanese army-instituted brothels in Manila. Goodman was a translator for the US army assigned to the Philippines in 1945. The translated Japanese documents survived because Goodman had mailed a copy to his home in the US.
One of the documents translated by Goodman revealed that in Manila alone, the Japanese military kept 17 “comfort stations” staffed by 1,064 comfort women for exclusive use of soldiers, plus four officers “clubs” with over 120 women.
Another document, quoting a captured brothel owner, stated: “Every ‘comfort girl’ was employed with the following contract conditions … When a girl is able to repay the sum of money paid to her family, plus interest, she should be provided with a free return passage to Korea, and then considered free.”
In the early 1990s, the Japanese government issued a series of apologies on the “comfort women” issue after historian Yoshimi Yoshiaki found a document titled “Regarding the Recruitment of Women for Military Brothels” in the library of the Self-Defence Agency.
But this official stance was dramatically reversed in 2007 when Abe said no evidence existed that the military had kept sex slaves.
By 2014, the Abe government “pledged to stage a campaign to correct ‘wrong’ information circulating worldwide”, according to The Japan Times.
This was despite the fact that one of Abe’s predecessors, Yasuhiro Nakasone, had written in his memoir, The Never Ending Navy, that as a young naval officer he saw that “some of the soldiers began to attack the women and gamble. So I took great efforts to build a comfort station”.
When reporters later asked him about this, Nakasone had replied according to The Japan Times: “As a Japanese person, I think it’s something Japan should apologise for … and apologise again.”
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