TLDR；1945年，當法國試圖重新殖民越南時，殖民政權和定居者制定了分離主義宣傳策略，將南方人描繪成獨特而與眾不同的人，將北方人描繪成吞併南方的侵略者。
TLDR；1945年，當法國試圖重新殖民越南時，殖民政權和定居者制定了分離主義宣傳策略，將南方人描繪成獨特而與眾不同的人，將北方人描繪成吞併南方的侵略者。
背景：1945年9月2日，日本帝國正式簽署投降書。同日，胡志明發表越南獨立宣言，宣布“從現在起，我們與越南斷絕一切殖民性質的關係”。法國。”
如果你在河內，你可以看到這座紀念碑，上面寫著“Quyết tử để Tổ quốc quyết sinh”，意思是（由我粗略翻譯）：願意犧牲，讓祖國得以生存。
幾個月前，在波茨坦會議上，蘇聯、英國和美國三位盟軍領袖同意，將在峴港以北的北緯16度線暫時分割越南。這樣一來，英國軍隊將在西貢接受日本軍隊的投降，而北方的中國軍隊將在北半部接受日本軍隊的投降。
道格拉斯·格雷西少將率領的英印聯軍於 9 月 13 日抵達西貢，接受日軍投降。越盟領導的一個團體奪取了行政權力，但由於其他越南團體也在爭奪權力，因此並未完全控制。
日本人仍然全副武裝，因此，法國人說服格雷西將軍重新武裝前法國戰俘，並將越盟驅逐出西貢，以便格雷西能夠解除日本人的武裝。實質上，在英國的幫助下，法國於 1945 年 9 月 23 日重新控制了西貢。
1945 年 10 月 17 日，胡志明向美國總統哈里·杜魯門 (Harry S. Truman) 發出電報，說服他法國人不應該重新殖民越南，但沒有得到答复。HCM 在電報中列出了原因：
1.親納粹的維希法國政權允許日本佔領印度支那
2. 越盟在抗日戰爭中給予盟軍的支持
三、戰後美國支持越南獨立的承諾
杜魯門沒有回應，美國最終將支持法國重新奪回印度支那殖民地。
但首先，法國殖民政權需要一項策略來說服南越，讓他們相信成為法國殖民地是他們的最大利益。殖民法專家阿爾伯特·托雷爾（Albert Torel）是印度支那高級專員萊昂·皮尼翁（Léon Pignon）的密切合作者，他堅稱越南農民最想要的就是“法國和平的回歸” 。
我將在這一部分引用戈沙的《越南：新歷史》，講述法國人如何制定分離主義策略，使交趾支那成為一個與北方不同的特殊而獨特的實體。
資料來源：
- 越南與美國：有記載的歷史，作者：Marvin Gettleman
- 越南：一部新歷史，作者：克里斯多福·戈沙
- 維基百科：主宰行動
- 《美國與冷戰，1941-1991：寫實詮釋》，諾曼‧A‧格雷布納 (Norman A. Graebner) 等人著
分離主義的努力導致了交趾支那自治共和國的成立。這是交趾支那政府與越南共和國衛隊成員的就職典禮。
需要澄清的是，交趾支那自治共和國的國旗（Cộng hòa tự trị Nam Kỳ）與您在美國各地小西貢看到的國旗不同，也不同於許多美國城市官方認可的國旗，包括通常被視為進步。
交趾支那自治共和國的國旗是三條藍色條紋，代表南方三大河流（同奈河、進河和後河）。顯然，它被嘲笑為“cờ sốt rét”，意思是瘧疾旗，所以它被改為包括兩條白色條紋。
1948 年 6 月 5 日，法國高級專員萊昂·皮尼翁 (Leon Pignon) 敦促已退位的越南最後一位國王保大接受《下龍灣協議》(Accords de la baie d'Along)。
《下龍灣協議》是法國為維持印度支那殖民地地位所做的努力，在法國聯邦內建立統一的越南政府，取代法國保護地東京（越南北部）和安南（越南中部），稱為越南臨時中央政府。
當然，後來美國會複製法國的劇本來使法西斯主義合法化
因此，讓我們重新審視對美國戰後越南的船民難民的階級分析，特別是他們抵達時的物質和政治條件。這在很大程度上取決於他們離開的時間、他們與美國的關係以及他們的經濟狀況。例如，到了三月份，高級軍官已經看到了不祥之兆，特別是在班美圖“倒台”之後，因此他們離開時的情況與四月份常風行動期間空運的人員不同，其中大多數人他們技術精湛，而且富裕。
來源：
每個僑民都有一個親美帝國主義集團，大多數都是如此令人尷尬，但沒有什麼比越南僑民有一個自稱為“越南帝國皇帝”、君主制總部設在加利福尼亞州的人更令人尷尬的了。
美國宣傳胡志明市是中國派往越南滲透和控制該國的間諜，這一點並不像你想像的那麼邊緣化。在越南的越南反國家行為者和那些在國外留學的人也被捲入了這種敘述中。
“帝國公爵總統道明泉以其所取得的成就以及在國際舞台上的政治地位，是唯一能夠為越南帶來改變的人。” 是的，帝國公爵總統有 Facebook 頁面。
2017年，他的政黨還試圖轟炸越南的一個機場
不僅如此，他們還組織網路暗殺越南政府官員
另一個由中央情報局資助的著名組織「越南黨」被「聯合國人權事務高級專員辦事處」稱為「倡導民主改革的和平組織」。美國政府表示，「沒有證據」表明它是恐怖組織。
兩人都忽視了他們如何欺騙越南僑民、如何用恐怖主義壓制任何反對派以及如何在美國領土上殺害記者
隨著越來越多的越南裔美國人轉向更進步和/或左翼的政治，很明顯，不了解歷史 — — 或擁有支離破碎的歷史版本 — — 將為發展政治成熟和真正的團結帶來障礙。例如，在警察謀殺喬治·弗洛伊德後的起義最激烈的時候，一名越南裔美國人以南越國旗為背景製作了一張支持“黑人生命也是命”的海報，然後被告知他們的海報並沒有傳達他們認為的訊息這是。
另一個例子：一名越南裔美國活動家在一次聲援巴勒斯坦的小組會議上提到胡志明，當時巴解組織製作了一張「從越南革命到即將到來的巴勒斯坦革命」的海報。
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The TLDR; is that when the French attempted to recolonized Vietnam in 1945, the colonial regime and settlers created a separatist propaganda strategy, which painted southerners as unique and different, and painted northerners as invading aggressors swallowing the south.
[The South belongs to Southerners. The North belong to Northeners]
[We do not want to be dependent on the Northeners]
The background: The Empire of Japan formally signed the surrender of WWII on September 2, 1945. On that same day, Ho Chi Minh delivered the Declarations of Independence for Vietnam, declaring “From now on we break off all relations of a colonial character with France.”
“The French have fled, the Japanese have capitulated, Emperor Bảo Đại has abdicated. Our people have broken the chains which for nearly a century have fettered them and have won independence for the Fatherland. Our people at the same time have overthrown the monarchic regime that has reigned supreme for dozens of centuries. In its place has been established the present Democratic Republic. The whole Vietnamese people, animated by a common purpose, are determined to fight to the bitter end against any attempt by the French colonialists to reconquer the country.” — Proclamation of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, 1945
If you're in Hanoi you can see this monument which says “Quyết tử để Tổ quốc quyết sinh” meaning (roughly translated by me): Willing to die so the Motherland can live.
A few months earlier, at the Potsdam conference, the three Allied leaders of the Soviet Union, the UK, and the US agreed that Vietnam would be temporarily partitioned at the 16th parallel, just North of Da Nang. This was so that British forces would take the surrender of Japanese forces in Saigon, while Chinese forces in the north would take the surrender of Japanese troops in the northern half.
A British-Indian force led by Major General Douglas Gracey arrived in Saigon on September 13 to receive the surrender of Japanese forces. A Viet Minh-led group had seized administrative power but were not in full control as there were other Vietnamese groups vying for power.
The Japanese were still fully armed, and because of that, the French persuaded Gen. Gracey to rearm former French prisoners of war and to evict the Viet Minh from Saigon, so that Gracey could disarm the Japanese. Essentially, with British help, the French regained control of Saigon by September 23, 1945.
On October 17, 1945, Ho Chi Minh sent a telegram to US President Harry S. Truman to convince him that the French should not be able to recolonize Vietnam, which went unanswered. In the cable, HCM listed the reasons:
1. The pro-Nazi Vichy French regime allowed the Japanese occupation of Indochina
2. The support the Viet Minh had given the Allies by fighting against the Japanese
3. The promise of American support for Vietnamese independence after the war
Truman did not respond, and the U.S. would end up backing France in its quest to regain Indochina as a colony.
First though, the colonial French regime needed a strategy to persuade southern Vietnamese that their best interest was in being a French colony. Albert Torel, a specialist in colonial law and close collaborator of Léon Pignon, a high commissioner of Indochina, insisted that there was nothing the Vietnamese peasants wanted more than 'the return of French peace.'
I'll be quoting from Vietnam: A New History by Goscha for this part from here on about how the French crafted the separatist strategy of making Cochinchina a special and unique entity, distinct from the north.
“Although the Second World War had generated great global change, leaders of all political colors in France continued to see the maintenance of their empire as an essential, achievable, and an entirely legitimate goal. Vichy and Gaullist France had both relied heavily on the empire during the war. With the Allied liberation of France in 1944, continued control of Indochina and North Africa would help the new French leadership rebuild economically and to remain a player on the world scene. For the French in 1945, there was nothing necessarily inevitable about decolonization. The new political class taking over in Paris was willing to reform colonial structures; but leaders on the left and right had no intention of liquidating the empire in Indochina or of transforming it into an independent member of a commonwealth as Winston Churchill’s Labor successor did for India. As de Gaulle, the liberator of France, thundered to one of the rare Indochina specialists who dared to give a warning about the dangers of ignoring Vietnamese nationalism: ‘Dear Professor, we will win because we are the strongest’.
de Gaulle ignored this message from King Bao Dai “You would understand better if you could see what is happening here, if you could feel this yearning for independence that is in everyone’s heart, and which no human force can any longer restrain. Should you reestablish a French administration here, it will not be obeyed. Every village will be a nest of resistance, each foreign collaborator an enemy. Charles de Gaulle ordered the re-conquest and the re-establishment of colonial sovereignty to all of Indochina, and so the military had the job of re-conquering Indochina and rebuilding the colonial state. Once troops had dislodged enemy forces, officers began restoring new administrations and councils. The government’s instructions to commanding officers in the field were clear: ‘to re-establish everywhere a Franco-Annamese administration like the one prior to 1939’. For the job of establishing these administrations, the French authorities turned to former Vietnamese civil servants and French colonial settlers, who were bilingual and had detailed knowledge of the local administration and villages.
Unable to retake northern Indochina at the outset, French authorities concentrated first on creating the federal state for Indochina and its local governments below the sixteenth parallel. From Saigon, Colonel Cédile began assembling a provisional government for what the French still considered to be their formal colony of Cochinchina. Europeans had lived in Cochinchina since the late nineteenth century and by 1945 were concentrated in its urban centers. Like their counterparts in Algeria, they were hostile to the rise of colonial nationalism and tried to contain it at every turn. The advent of a nation-state would end their privileged positions at the top of the colonial ladder. Most also opposed the democratization of colonial institutions, fearful that the ‘native’ majority would vote them out of Indochina.” Aware of their vulnerability, settlers promoted a strategy of Cochinchinese separatism designed to prevent the colony’s absorption into any Vietnamese unitary state—colonial, national, or federal.
For [Maurice] Weil, [William] Bazé, and [Henry de] Lachevrotière, this meant insisting on Cochinchina’s special legal status as a French colony and playing up the uniqueness of the ‘south’. Separatism seemed all the more necessary for all of them when the French government agreed in the March 1946 accords to hold a referendum on the unification of Cochinchina with the unitary ‘Vietnam’ of the DRV above the sixteenth parallel. Not only would this transform French Indochina into a triangular entity (DRV VN, Laos, & Cambodia), but it would also force the settlers and French civil servants to share power with HCM’s entourage in a unitary colonial Vietnamese state housed within an Indochinese federation. [t]he settlers, the High Commissioner, and his Indochinese hands accelerated efforts to create a local Cochinchinese gov as the ‘free state’ of the Indochinese Federation, before any referendum could be organized or Ho could reach a separate deal in France to unify ‘Vietnam’. The settlers formed Cochinchinese political parties, mobilized their papers for the separatist cause, recruited like-minded ‘native’ southerners (usually those with French citizenship), and fired off scores of petitions to politicians in Paris to make sure that Cochinchina remained French and retained its own identity.
Separatist journalists fanned a virulent ‘anti-Tonkinese’ campaign in the press (*Tonkin refers to northern Vietnam). For them it was important to stress that Cochinchina was unique, different from its northern counterpart, & to promote the idea that ‘Cochinchinese’ & ‘Tonkinese’ Vietnam were so different that the unification of these two territories (Cochinchina & DRV VN) would be impossible. Settlers turned to ethnic Viet elite members with whom they had worked before 1945. Most were bourgeois, large landowners, held French citizenship, shared the settlers’ anticommunism, had served in the French army, or had protected the French population. Thierry d’Argenlieu, fully backed by his new general, Jean Valluy, focused their attention on the north when they challenged the Democratic Republic of Vietnam’s right to collect customs duties in Haiphong. In so doing, these men intentionally transformed what could have easily remained a minor altercation into a pretext for conquering this strategic port city by force and setting off a war.
When the Vietnamese delayed, Valluy authorized the shelling and aerial strafing of Haiphong and its surroundings on 23 November, resulting in 3,000 mainly civilian deaths. One month later, the DRV Vietnamese lashed out in Hanoi to protect their shrinking territorial sovereignty. At 20:00 hours on the evening of 19 December, their backs to the wall, they attacked. Full-scale war in Indochina was now underway. The high commissioner now had the excuse he needed—Vietnamese ‘perfidy’—to force the French government’s hand (a liberal-minded socialist, Léon Blum, was taking over in Paris) & destroy the nation-state which was blocking the restoration of French sovereignty to all of Indochina. The high commissioner immediately prohibited the official use of the term ‘Vietnam’ in favor of ‘Cochinchina’, ‘Annam’, and ‘Tonkin’. To colonial minds, one said ‘Annamese’, not ‘Vietnamese’, with the semantic significance being all about territorial sovereignty.
Sources:
- Vietnam and America: A Documented History, by Marvin Gettleman
- Vietnam: A New History, by Christopher Goscha
- Wikipedia: Operation Masterdom
- America and the Cold War, 1941–1991: A Realist Interpretation, by Norman A. Graebner et al
The separatist efforts resulted in the creation of Autonomous Republic of Cochinchina. Here is the inauguration of the Cochinchina Government with Vietnamese members of the Republican Guard.
To clarify, the flag of the Cochinchina Autonomous Republic (Cộng hòa tự trị Nam Kỳ) is not the same one that you see at Little Saigons all over the U.S., or one that is officially recognized by many U.S. cities, including ones commonly seen as progressive.
The flag of the Autonomous Republic of Cochinchina is three blue stripes, representing the three major rivers in the South (Đồng Nai, Tiền and Hậu rivers). Apparently, it was mocked as the "cờ sốt rét" meaning malaria flag, so it was changed to include the two white stripes.
On June 5, 1948, the French high commissioner Leon Pignon pushed the already-abdicated-last-king-of-Vietnam, Bao Dai, to accept the Halong Bay Agreements (Accords de la baie d'Along).
The Halong Bay Agreements was France's effort to maintain Indochina as a colony, by creating a unified Viet government within the French Union, replacing the French protectorates Tonkin (Northern VN) and Annam (Central VN), called the Provisional Central Government of Vietnam.
Of course, later on USA would copy the French for their script to legitimize fascism
So let's revisist a class analysis of the boat people refugees from post American war in Vietnam, specifically the material and political conditions *when* they arrived. It vastly depended on when they left and their associations with the U.S., as well as their economic conditions. For example, by March, high ranking officers already saw the writing on the wall, especially after Ban Mê Thuột "fell," so they left in a different condition than those that were airlifted out in April during Operation Frequent Wind, the majority of whom were highly skilled and well-to-do.
The U.S. State Department’s original list of 130,000 evacuees consisted most prominently of political and military leaders, members of the industrial elite, contract employees, and relatives of U.S. citizens. One writer described South Vietnam as a society “alienated from the roots of its own civilization by decades of dependence on the Americans,” a judgment reflecting racial and class biases as to who counted as truly Vietnamese, truly a refugee, and truly worthy of rescue. The first wave of refugees was considered “educated” even though only 16.7 percent of the adults had college degrees and more than 60 percent of the entire cohort spoke no English whatsoever. One former officer admitted that in the refugee camp, he was “living better than I ever did at home,” at least materially, in a trailer complete with air-conditioning, a refrigerator, and a telephone.
Despite promises of equal treatment for all the refugees, the U.S. government expedited the processing of Saigon’s millionaires and housed them in separate quarters, enabling them to avoid the wrath of their less privileged brethren. Bilingual doctors, the ultimate good refugees, were in high demand, particular from small rural towns that needed physicians... Most if not all of the sixty-six hundred refugees who left Camp Pendleton after the first week of May were physicians. Those remaining in the mainland camps generally possessed far less human, social, and economic capital and were thus more attached to the ethnic community found in the camps.
Source:
Every diaspora has a pro US imperialism group and that most is so embarrassing, but nothing tops how the Viet diaspora has someone who declared himself the "Emperor of Vietnamese Empire" with a monarchy headquartered in California
The Amerikkkan propaganda that HCM is a Chinese spy sent to Vietnam to infiltrate and control the country isn't as fringe as you might think. Vietnamese anti state actors in Vietnam and those who study abroad also get swept up in this narrative.
"IMPERIAL DUKE PRESIDENT DAO MINH QUAN, with his achievements as well as his political position in the international arena, is the only person who can make a difference for Vietnam." And yes, the imperial duke president has a Facebook page.
His political party also tried to bomb an airport in Vietnam in 2017
Not only that, they organized networks to assassinate Vietnamese government officials
Another famous group called Viet Tan, funded by CIA was proclaimed by “The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights as "a peaceful organization advocating for democratic reform". The U.S. government has stated that there is 'no evidence' that it is a terrorist organization.
Both ignore how they scammed Viet diasporas, silenced any oppositions with terrorism and killed journalists on Amerikkkan soil
As more and more Vietnamese Americans turn towards more progressive and/or left politics, it becomes apparent that not knowing history – or having a fragmented, fractured version of it – would present an obstacle for developing political maturity and real solidarity. For example, at the height of the uprising after the police murdered George Floyd, a Vietnamese American made a poster to support Black Lives Matter with the South Vietnamese flag as the background, and was then told that their poster is not sending the message they think it is.
Another example: a Vietnamese American activist was triggered by mention of Ho Chi Minh during a panel in solidarity with Palestine when the fact that the PLO made a “from the revolution in Vietnam to the coming revolution in Palestine” poster came up.
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