麥克阿瑟| 文章日本的佔領和新憲法

  
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麥克阿瑟| 文章
日本的佔領和新憲法
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https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/macarthur-occupation-japan-and-constitution/

麥克阿瑟-裕仁-日本-職業.jpg
1945 年 9 月 27 日,裕仁天皇和麥克阿瑟將軍在東京美國大使館首次會面。美國陸軍。
日本佔領時期(1945-1951)
1945 年 9 月 8 日早上,道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟將軍乘汽車前往位於東京市中心的美國大使館。一位美國觀察家將其描述為一座“完全被毀壞的平坦城市”,甚至“瓦礫看上去也沒什麼大不了的”。當麥克阿瑟在大使館——他接下來五年半的家——主持儀式時,命令艾切爾伯格將軍“展開我們國家的國旗,在東京的陽光下讓它充分綻放,作為美國的象徵” 。被壓迫者的希望,也是右翼勝利的預兆。” 由於密蘇里號航空母艦上的投降儀式已於六天前舉行,因此這一時刻並未向全世界轉播。但事後看來,這也像徵著隨後的佔領時期:樂觀、徹底的美國式、 

儘管這次佔領名義上是盟軍的事業——麥克阿瑟的頭銜是盟軍最高指揮官(Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers,SCAP)——但這在很大程度上是一場美國表演,毫無疑問誰是負責人。正如歷史學家邁克爾·夏勒(Michael Schaller) 所指出的,“從一開始,佔領就成為了其最高指揮官的代名詞。儘管很少有美國人能說出負責德國占領的人的名字(盧修斯·克萊將軍,後來的約翰·J·麥克洛伊),但大多數人都能輕易說出德國占領的負責人的名字。確定東京的最高人物。” 事實上,佔領的大部分基本原則和政策都是由華盛頓的規劃者在戰爭的最後兩年制定的(並包含在一份名為 SWNCC 228 的文件中)。雖然麥克阿瑟是日本發生的一切幕後黑手的印象遠遠超出了現實,大多數人都認為他是一個非常成功的職業,因此他值得受到極大的讚譽。麥克阿瑟發起了一些政策並巧妙地實施了許多其他政策,幫助一個戰敗和被摧毀的國家以驚人的速度實現了自我轉型。 

日本佔領時期的學生們對日本人如此輕易地按照美國模式改造他們的國家感到震驚。儘管這通常歸因於日本人善於將外國概念融入己用,但佔領期間發生的許多變化都根源於戰前的日本改革運動。儘管如此,麥克阿瑟的威望如此之大,他的支持幾乎可以成就或破壞任何單一事業。麥克阿瑟及其幕僚鼓勵的措施之一是民主選舉(“這就是民主!”他在 1947 年選舉後驚呼);基本公民自由,包括實現婦女平等的步驟;儘管他在 1947 年 1 月禁止總罷工,但還是建立了工會;土地改革,其目的是“消除封建土地保有權制度,消除土地重新分配的障礙”;以及日本憲法本身,特別是禁止戰爭並防止重新軍事化的第九條。儘管取得了所有這些成就,麥克阿瑟最大的失望可能是他未能使日本群眾皈依基督教,儘管他堅信“真正的民主只能存在於精神基礎上”,並且“當它牢固地建立在基督教基礎上時,它就會持久”。個人和社會的概念。” 

麥克阿瑟恰如其分地在東京市中心的第一保險大樓建立了他的總部(GHQ),大樓的較高樓層俯瞰著皇宮。麥克阿瑟保護裕仁天皇的堅定決心——“通過他,將有可能維持一個完全有序的政府”——可能被列為佔領時期最重要的決定。考慮到事情進展順利,麥克阿瑟的決定似乎是正確的。然而許多歷史學家認為,一旦佔領開始順利進行,麥克阿瑟就應該允許皇帝退位,從而承認他和國家對戰爭的責任。正如歷史學家約翰·道爾所說:“從日本人的角度來看,有一個人成為美國民主的象徵, 

儘管如此,值得注意的是,一位被譽為美國歷史上最偉大的士兵之一的人可能在和平時期做出了最大的貢獻。值得注意的是,麥克阿瑟傳記作者D. 克萊頓·詹姆斯(D. Clayton James) 曾寫道,他決定進行三卷本的研究,“堅信在一個世紀後,麥克阿瑟將因其作為管理者而不是戰士的角色而受到最讚賞”。 

日本憲法的製定:
從一開始,佔領日本的首要目標就很明確,正如《波茨坦宣言》所指出的那樣,是基於“日本人民自由表達的意願”,“建立一個具有和平傾向和負責任的政府”。日本人。” 麥克阿瑟本人很早就評論說,實現這一目標肯定需要“修改明治憲法”。但就連他也無法想像,幾個月後,他年輕的美國幕僚們會起草一部全新的憲法,從此以後,一部逗號沒有改變的憲法就一直管轄著日本事務。 

整個事情從一開始就有點奇怪。1945 年 10 月 4 日,在與麥克阿瑟的會面即將結束時,一位日本內閣高級成員詢問最高統帥是否對“政府的組成”有任何指示。譯者錯誤地將“憲法”一詞用作“彌補”,官員離開時以為麥克阿瑟委託他起草一部新憲法。日本人確實開始工作,但麥克阿瑟在 1946 年 2 月上旬拒絕了他們的努力,稱其“只不過是對舊明治憲法的改寫”。為了避免其他盟友的干涉,麥克阿瑟將事情掌握在自己手中。他命令他的政府部門自己起草一份文件,並在遠東委員會第一次會議之前完成, 

一天早上,我進來……,時間是上午十點,惠特尼將軍(政府部門負責人)把我們叫進會議室。對我們所有人來說都太小了。我們中的一些人不得不站著,因為我們大約有 25 個人。他說:“你們現在是製憲會議了。” 你可以想像我們的感受。“你將起草日本憲法。你將起草一份草案,必須在一周內完成。” 嗯,我的意思是,我們當然很震驚。但是,另一方面,當你在軍隊裡並接到命令時,你就去做。你就繼續吧。

戈登夫人隨後講述了她如何開著吉普車在仍然遭受重創的東京跑來跑去,收集她能找到的所有外國憲法,為新的“制憲會議”提供模型。 

他們的工作產生了一份徹底進步的文件。儘管皇帝被承認為國家元首,但他被剝奪了任何實權,實質上成為立憲君主。建立了兩院制立法機構,上議院實力較弱,除皇室外,所有貴族權利均被廢除。三十九篇文章涉及麥克阿瑟所說的“基本人類自由”,不僅包括美國權利法案的大部分內容,還包括普遍的成人痛苦、勞工的組織權以及一系列婦女的婚姻和財產權。但最獨特和最重要的條款之一是第九條,該條款禁止建立武裝部隊和發動戰爭的權利。 

經過三月初的馬拉松式談判,日本官員僅做了很小的修改就接受了美國的草案。惠特尼將軍一開始的評論——“如果內閣無法準備一份合適且可接受的草案……麥克阿瑟將軍準備直接向人民提出這一原則聲明”——可能有所幫助。裕仁天皇對失去如此多的權力感到懊惱,但對王位得以保留感到慶幸,他發布了一份支持這項徵兵的“聖旨”。那年秋天,在日本人民以壓倒性多數投票支持新憲法的候選人後,裕仁親自在國會(日本議會)頒布了新憲法。儘管麥克阿瑟將軍忽略了他自己在其誕生過程中所扮演的角色,但他向全國傳達的信息提供了相當公正的評估:

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MACARTHUR | ARTICLE

Occupation of Japan and the New Constitution

Macarthur-Hirohito-Japan-Occupation.jpg
Emperor Hirohito and General MacArthur, at their first meeting, at the U.S. Embassy, Tokyo, 27 September, 1945. U.S. Army.

The Japanese Occupation (1945-1951)
On the morning of September 8, 1945, General Douglas MacArthur made his way by automobile toward the American Embassy in the heart of Tokyo. One American observer described it as a city "completely flat with destruction," where even "the rubble did not look like much." As he presided over a ceremony at the Embassy -- his home for the next five and a half years -- MacArthur ordered General Eichelberger to "have our country's flag unfurled, and in Tokyo's sun let it wave in its full glory as a symbol of hope for the oppressed and as a harbinger of victory for the right." This moment was not broadcast throughout the world as the surrender ceremony aboard the U.S.S. Missouri had been six days earlier. Yet in hindsight, it was just as symbolic of the occupation period to follow: optimistic, thoroughly American, and unmistakably MacArthur. 

Although the occupation was nominally an allied enterprise -- MacArthur's title was Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, or SCAP -- it was very much an American show, and there was no doubt who was in charge. As historian Michael Schaller has noted, "From its inception, the occupation became synonymous with its supreme commander. Although few Americans could name the man in charge of the German occupation (General Lucius Clay and, later, John J. McCloy) most could readily identify the top man in Tokyo." In fact, most of the basic principles and policies for the occupation were drawn up by planners in Washington in the last two years of the war (and are contained in a document known as SWNCC 228). While the impression that MacArthur was behind everything that happened in Japan far exceeds the reality, he deserves a great deal of credit for what most people agree was a highly successful occupation. Initiating some policies and skillfully implementing many others, MacArthur helped a defeated and destroyed nation transform itself with remarkable speed. 

Students of the occupation period are stunned by how readily the Japanese remade their country along an American model. Although this is often ascribed to the particular Japanese talent for adapting foreign concepts for their own use, many of the changes wrought during the occupation had roots in pre-war Japanese reform movements. Still, MacArthur's prestige was such that his support could make or break almost any single cause. Among those encouraged by MacArthur and his staff were democratic elections ("This is democracy!" he exclaimed after the elections of 1947); basic civil liberties, including steps toward equality for women; the unionization of labor, despite his banning of a General Strike in January, 1947; land reform, which sought to "eliminate the feudal system of land tenure and remove obstacles to the redistribution of land"; and the Japanese Constitution itself, particularly Article 9 outlawing war and guarding against remilitarization. Even with all of these accomplishments, MacArthur's greatest disappointment may have been his failure to convert the Japanese masses to Christianity, despite his conviction that "true democracy can exist only on a spiritual foundation," and will "endure when it rests firmly on the Christian conception of the individual and society." 

Appropriately, MacArthur established his General Headquarters, or GHQ, in the Dai Ichi Insurance Building in central Tokyo, the higher floors of which overlooked the Imperial Palace. MacArthur's steadfast resolution to protect Emperor Hirohito -- "through him it will be possible to maintain a completely orderly government" -- probably ranks as the single most important decision of the occupation. Considering how well things went, MacArthur's decision seems vindicated; yet many historians argue that once the occupation had begun to run smoothly, MacArthur should have allowed the Emperor to abdicate the throne, thereby acknowledging his and the country's responsibility for the war. As historian John Dower says, "From the Japanese perspective, you have a man who becomes America's symbol of democracy, who is totally sanitized by the Americans and by MacArthur, in particular.... I think that that poisoned the thinking about responsibility in general, in Japan, to the present day." 

Nonetheless, it is remarkable that a man best known as one of the greatest soldiers in American history may have made his greatest contribution during a time of peace. Significantly, MacArthur biographer D. Clayton James once wrote that he decided to undertake his three volume study "with the conviction that a century hence MacArthur will be most appreciated for his role as an administrator, rather than as a warrior." 

Creation of the Japanese Constitution:
From the very beginning, it was clear that a primary objective of the occupation of Japan would be, as the Potsdam Declaration put it, "a peacefully inclined and responsible government" based on "the freely expressed will of the Japanese people." MacArthur himself commented early on that meeting this goal would certainly require a "revision of the Meiji Constitution." But even he could not have imagined that a few months later, his young American staff would write an entirely new constitution, one that has governed Japanese affairs ever since without the change of a comma. 

The whole undertaking was a bit bizarre from the start. On October 4, 1945, toward the end of a meeting with MacArthur, a high-ranking Japanese cabinet member asked whether the supreme commander had any instructions "about the make-up of the government." The translator mistakenly used the word "constitution" for "make-up," and the official left thinking that MacArthur had commissioned him to draft a new constitution. The Japanese did go to work, but MacArthur rejected their efforts in early February 1946 as "nothing more than a rewording of the old Meiji constitution." Eager to avoid interference from other allies, MacArthur took matters into his own hands. He ordered his government section to draft a document themselves, and to do it before the first meeting of the Far Eastern Commission, set for February 26. Staff member Beate Sirota Gordon, then in her early twenties, still remembers the day well: 

And one morning I came in..., it was ten a.m. and General Whitney [head of the government section] called us into a meeting room. It was too small for all of us. Some of us had to stand because there were about 25 of us. And he said, "You are now a constituent assembly." You can imagine how we felt. "And you will write the Japanese constitution. You will write a draft and it will have to be done in a week." Well, I mean, we were stunned of course. But, on the other hand, when you're in the army and you get an order, you just do it. You just go ahead.

Mrs. Gordon then recounts how she raced around the still-decimated Tokyo in a jeep, collecting all of the foreign constitutions she could find to provide models for the new "constituent assembly." 

Their work resulted in a thoroughly progressive document. Although the emperor was acknowledged as the head of state, he was stripped of any real power and essentially became a constitutional monarch. A bi-cameral legislature with a weak upper chamber was established, and with the exception of the Imperial family, all rights of peerage were abolished. Thirty-nine articles dealt with what MacArthur called "basic human liberties," including not only most of the American bill of rights, but such things as universal adult sufferage, labor's right to organize, and a host of marriage and property rights for women. But the most unique and one of the most important provisions came in Article 9, which outlawed the creation of armed forces and the right to make war. It's not clear whether or not the "No-war clause" originated with MacArthur, but it certainly would not have been included without him, and its presence in the constitution has had an enormous impact on Japan's postwar history. 

After marathon negotiations in early March, Japanese officials accepted the American draft with only minor revisions. General Whitney's comment at the outset -- "if the cabinet [is] unable to prepare a suitable and acceptable draft.... General MacArthur [is] prepared to lay this statement of principle directly before the people" -- probably helped. Emperor Hirohito, chagrined at having lost so much power but grateful that the throne had been retained, issued an "imperial rescript" endorsing the draft. That fall, after the Japanese people had voted overwhelmingly for candidates who backed the new consitution, Hirohito himself promulgated it before the Diet (Japanese Parliament). Although it ignored his own role in its birth, General MacArthur's message to the nation offered a pretty fair assessment: "The adoption of this liberal charter, together with other progressive measures enacted by the Diet, lays a very solid foundation for the new Japan."

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