大卫-马尔
根据盟军事先在波茨坦达成的协议，中国战区对北纬16度以北的印度支那拥有作战管辖权，而该线以南的东南亚司令部拥有作战管辖权。从8月15日起，这成为管理日本投降的分界线。两周后，中国部队开始从云南和广西越过边境，同行的还有越南国民党和越南革命联盟的信徒。蒋介石将军的目的是重申中国作为盟国战胜国的地位，利用海防或更小的港口向中国北方和台湾运送军队，并在龙云的优秀军事部队不在时发动政变，摆脱云南省长龙云的影响。
当中国士兵进入人口稠密的红河三角洲时，大部分是步行，越南村民被他们憔悴的身体、破烂的衣服和似乎缺乏组织的情况惊呆了。当中国军需官要求用价值可疑的外国货币购买大米时，那些拥有剩余大米的少数村民感到不满。很快就流传着关于中国军队队伍上空盘旋着苍蝇云的故事，以及关于士兵们用脚气病肿胀的四肢拖着自己前进的故事。到1945年底，印度支那北部的中国军队人数可能达到了约10万人的高峰，然后随着部队被派往其他地方而减少。与士兵一起的还有至少两万名中国搬运工、随从和小商贩。
中国军队的指挥官卢汉将军于9月14日乘飞机抵达河内，直接前往前总督府，他的先遣队已经从那里赶走了法国专员让-塞恩泰。召集胡志明到皇宫，陆军宣布一个 "中国黄金单位"（guan jin）价值一个半印度支那盾，这是对中国货币的严重高估。由于担心中国人在当地市场上用这些纸币购买大米，胡志明向盧漢慷承诺，越南共和国政府将向他的部队提供粮食。盧漢可能已经计划将中国的军事政府强加于人，但现在他准备测试一下胡志明关于越南政府能够维持和平的保证。9月22日，在格雷斯将军宣布在西贡实施戒严令的第二天，盧漢向胡志明保证，只要河内和农村的公共秩序保持不变，他就不打算效仿英国的先例。
巴黎极力要求重新装备被关押在中国的法国殖民部队，并允许他们重新进入印度支那，但这遭到了卢汉的反对，并被蒋介石推迟到了明年年初。与此同时，四千五百名殖民地战俘仍在河内城堡由日本人看守。一些日本部队将缴获的法国武器交给了越共团体，而不是将它们交给中国人。在筹备9月28日的日本投降仪式时，中国的组织者将法国代表安排在嘉宾名单的第106位，并排除了任何展示法国国旗的行为，导致法国人抵制该仪式。
David Marr
By prior Allied agreement at Potsdam, China Theatre had operational jurisdiction over Indochina north of the 16th parallel, and South East Asia Command south of that line. From 15 August this became the demarcation line for administering Japan’s surrender. Two weeks later, Chinese units began crossing the frontier from Yunnan and Guangsi, accompanied by adherents of the Vietnam Nationalist Party and Vietnam Revolutionary League. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek aimed to reaffirm China’s status as a victorious Allied power, use Haiphong or smaller ports to transport troops to northern China and Taiwan, and rid himself of the governor of Yunnan, Long Yun, by mounting a coup while Long Yun’s better military units were away.
As Chinese soldiers entered the heavily populated Red River delta, mostly on foot, Vietnamese villagers were stunned by their emaciated bodies, tattered clothing and seeming lack of organization. Those few villagers who possessed a rice surplus took umbrage when Chinese quartermasters demanded to purchase it with alien currencies of dubious value. Stories soon circulated about clouds of flies hovering over Chinese troop columns, and about soldiers who dragged themselves along on limbs swollen by beriberi. Chinese troop numbers in northern Indochina probably peaked at about one hundred thousand by the end of 1945, then declined as units were dispatched elsewhere. Along with the soldiers came at least twenty thousand Chinese porters, camp followers and petty merchants.
General Lu Han, commander of Chinese forces, arrived in Hanoi by air on 14 September, going directly to the former governor-general’s palace, from where his advance team had ejected French commissioner Jean Sainteny. Summoning Ho Chi Minh to the palace, Lu declared that one ‘Chinese gold unit’ (guan jin) would be worth one and a half Indochina piasters, a gross overvaluing of the Chinese currency. Fearful of Chinese swooping into local markets to buy up rice with these bank notes, Ho promised Lu that the DRV government would supply his troops with grain. Lu may have planned to impose Chinese military government, but now he was prepared to test Ho’s assurances that the Vietnamese government could keep the peace. On 22 September, the day after General Gracey declared martial law in Saigon, Lu assured Ho that he had no intention of following the British precedent, so long as public order persisted in both Hanoi and the countryside.
Paris pushed hard for French colonial units interned in China to be re-equipped and allowed to re-enter Indochina, but this was opposed by Lu Han and postponed by Chiang Kai-shek until early the following year. Meanwhile, forty-five hundred colonial prisoners of war remained under Japanese guard at the Hanoi citadel. Some Japanese units gave captured French weapons to Viet Minh groups rather than turn them over to the Chinese. In preparing the 28 September ceremony to take the Japanese surrender, Chinese organizers placed the French representative at number 106 on their guest list and ruled out any display of French flags, causing the French to boycott the proceedings.
中国军队占领了粮仓、军营、仓库、学校建筑、政府办公室和一些法国平民的住宅。整个排都搬进了越南上层社会的住宅。云南铁路、法国船只、机动车、酒厂和一些印刷厂被征用。布匹、煤炭和盐的库存被侵占。河内和海防是最敏感的占领地点。在卢汉和胡志明达成谅解后仅三天，中国士兵就挑起了一场冲突，造成两名越南人死亡，十人重伤。在中国占领海防的早期，发生了大量邻里间的争吵。该市的《越南日报》敦促市民停止说或做 "不利于中越友谊 "的事情。政府审查人员确保没有明显的反华文章出现。
成千上万的中国地毯客利用军事占领的机会，以牺牲长期受苦的居民为代价，迅速获得回报。一些居住在这里的中国人还与占领当局勾结，以谋求共同利益。当海外华人在住宅外悬挂中国国旗，而不是越南共和国国旗时，越南人表示反对。然而，海防和河内的华文报纸强烈谴责法国人在科钦纳的暴行，甚至提议对北部的法国国民进行报复。胡志明确保中国的辛亥革命10月10日纪念日得到突出的纪念。
中国军队对印度支那北部的占领对许多人来说是一种创伤，看到最后一支部队在1946年9月离开是一种安慰。然而，中国军队的存在阻止了法国军队对北纬16度线以北的DRV采取侵略性行动。DRV政府、新生的国民警卫队和越南群众组织利用了这一喘息空间，这有助于解释为什么法国军队在返回时没有成功平息抵抗。
大卫-马尔是澳大利亚国立大学亚洲历史的名誉教授。
The Chinese Army took over granaries, barracks, warehouses, school buildings, government offices and some French civilian dwellings. Entire platoons moved into upper-class Vietnamese residences. The Yunnan railway, French vessels, motor vehicles, distilleries and some printing presses were commandeered. Stocks of cloth, coal and salt were appropriated. Hanoi and Haiphong were the most sensitive occupation venues. Only three days after Lu Han and Ho Chi Minh reached their understanding, Chinese soldiers provoked a fracas that left two Vietnamese dead and ten badly injured. A plethora of neighbourhood-level altercations occurred in the early days of Chinese occupation of Haiphong. The city’s Viet Minh paper urged citizens to stop saying or doing things ‘not conducive to Sino–Vietnamese friendship’. Government censors made sure that no overtly anti-Chinese articles appeared.
Thousands of Chinese carpetbaggers took advantage of the military occupation to reap quick rewards at the expense of the long-suffering inhabitants. Some resident Chinese also linked up with the occupation authorities for mutual gain. Vietnamese objected when overseas Chinese draped Chinese national flags, rather than DRV flags, outside residences. However, Chinese-language newspapers in Haiphong and Hanoi vehemently condemned French atrocities in Cochinchina, even to the point of proposing reprisals against French nationals in the north. Ho Chi Minh made sure that the 10 October anniversary of the 1911 Revolution in China was observed prominently.
Chinese army occupation of northern Indochina was traumatic for many people, and it was a relief to see the last unit depart in September 1946. Yet the Chinese troop presence had prevented the French Army from taking aggressive action against the DRV north of the 16th parallel. The DRV government, nascent National Guard and Viet Minh mass organizations took advantage of this breathing space, which helps to explain why the French Army on return did not succeed in quelling resistance.
David Marr is Professor Emeritus of Asian History, Australian National University
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