鮑羅丁

作者： Deepl书单 - 10月 29, 2022

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艾伯特·L·威克斯

1981 年 6 月 21 日

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請參閱1981 年 6 月 21 日的文章原文，第7節，第13頁購買再版

《紐約時報》訂閱者* 可以完全訪問 TimesMachine——查看 150 多年的《紐約時報》新聞報導，就像它最初出現的樣子。

*不包括僅填字遊戲或僅烹飪訂閱者。

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這是 1996 年開始在線出版之前，來自《紐約時報》印刷檔案的一篇文章的數字化版本。為了保留這些文章最初出現的樣子，《紐約時報》不會更改、編輯或更新它們。

有時，數字化過程會引入轉錄錯誤或其他問題；我們將繼續努力改進這些存檔版本。

BORODIN 斯大林在中國的人。作者：丹·N·雅各布斯。插圖。369 頁。馬薩諸塞州劍橋：哈佛大學出版社。25 美元。

當 Dan N. Jacobs 開始對著名的共產國際駐華使者的職業生涯進行數年研究時，“鮑羅丁”這個名字可能讓大多數人想起了俄羅斯作曲家“伊戈爾王子”。即使是少數人回想一下“另一個”鮑羅丁在中國國民黨革命中的作用，以及列寧和斯大林試圖將中國帶入蘇聯軌道的最終失敗（1920-27 年），這對米哈伊爾的第一次全面研究將引起人們的興趣和啟發Markovich Gruzenberg，別名邁克爾鮑羅丁（1884-1951）。

雅各布斯先生跟隨鮑羅丁從俄羅斯到美國的蜿蜒小徑，在那裡他流放了十一年（1907-18 年），到了包括墨西哥和英國在內的十幾個其他國家，在那裡他擔任列寧的私人特使，共產國際特工，告密者、海外共產主義機構的組織者、有才華的革命者的招募者（例如，MN Roy，著名的印度煽動者，後來的共產國際官員和胡志明市的同事），甚至是珠寶和資金的走私者資助外國的顛覆活動。

鮑羅丁的傳記既是一個高度個人冒險的故事，也是對“世界歷史”比例的蘇聯冒險主義的描述。他也是一個昔日的布爾什維克“我們時代的英雄”的故事，他的高層政治參與和成就以失敗、殉道和過早死亡而告終。但他也是彼得魯什卡式的再次出現的案例。在 1960 年代初期，鮑羅丁與瓦西里·布呂赫爾將軍（他幫助蔣介石計劃 1926 年“北伐”以統一中國）和其他斯大林鎮壓的受害者一起被追授平反。隨著 1970 年代列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫領導下的共產國際形象煥然一新，鮑羅丁已成為名副其實的蘇聯模範。因此，雅各布斯先生的書再合適不過了。

繼續閱讀主要故事

對於鮑羅丁，對於列寧、托洛茨基、季諾維也夫和莫斯科的其他領導人來說，中國代表了一條通向世界革命的有吸引力的“東方路線”。隨著1920年代西方無產階級革命陷入困境，西方資本主義工業所依賴的東方龐大的人口和原材料成為布爾什維克領導層將“革命之火”轉向資本主義的強大誘因。亞洲和穆斯林近東的“後方”。“鬥爭的結果，”列寧建議道，“將取決於俄羅斯、印度、中國等構成全球人口絕大多數的事實。”克里姆林宮的第二號人物，托洛茨基，提出了著名的公式：''

中國可能是最大的“帝國主義剝削殖民地”，但對中國人來說，用孫中山的話來說，它就像是一個“沙盤”。1911年清朝被推翻後, 後 ManAlbert L. Weeks 的最新著作是《統治美國的神話》和《陷入困境的緩和》。他正在寫一本關於蘇聯軍事戰略的書。楚共和中國陷入了傳統的空位混亂。省軍閥和敵對首都，北方和南方，爭奪權力。從他在廣州的南部基地，孫試圖將他的政黨國民黨（國民黨）重組為一支由紀律嚴明、

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Spurned in his requests for assistance by the United States, Britain and Japan, Sun turned to the Russian Bolsheviks. In them, the Chinese leader sensed a natural ally; they had successfully, if bloodily, brought all of peasant Russia to a new ''socialist'' life. For his part, Lenin gladly obliged: He saw, in the ''revolutionarynationalist'' Sun Yat-sen and K.M.T., a golden opportunity to apply Bolshevik ''united-front'' tactics and strategy and to convert the ''patriotic'' struggle into the ''higher'' phase of Soviet-style armed seizure of power by a clique of Communists.

So, on Sun's invitation the first Soviet mission arrived in China in 1920 and by 1923 had set up shop in Canton, the K.M.T. capital. Under Borodin's direction, the Bolshevik ''advisers'' (sovetniki) established the Whampoa Military Academy; its commander was Chiang Kai-shek, but the guiding hand on the staff was General Blyukher's.Simultaneously, Borodin's sovetniki planted Chinese Communists (whose party had been founded in 1920) in key positions within the K.M.T. and its ''National-Revolutionary Army.'' They even drafted the K.M.T. party program and statutes while teaching its members the agitprop art of inciting Chinese workers into armed, terrorist programs against Western ''imperialist'' businessmen and property.

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In time, the K.M.T. Press and Propaganda Department was headed by Mao Zedong; at Whampoa, another Communist, Zhou Enlai, served as deputy political commissar. Within a year, Borodin had succeeded in penetrating the whole top echelon of the civilian and military organs of the K.M.T., which had become the Chinese cat's-paw of the Russians. It was quite an accomplishment for Borodin: a fifth column operating over 6,000 miles from Comintern headquarters in Moscow. He had fashioned a well-tooled weapon for revolutionizing the ''rear'' of imperialism.

But before the weapon could be deployed, the whole enterprise collapsed. By 1927, Borodin had become, in K.M.T. eyes, a foreigner who was just as deserving of expulsion and condemnation as any other. He watched in horror as the Soviet embassy in Peking was ransacked, and Comintern codes and ciphers and secret documents were seized (including a secret plan for the ''Bolshevization of China'' by means of terror, guerrilla warfare and infiltration). Massacres, bloody purges and reprisals against Chinese Communists followed as the question arose, Who was to blame for the collapse? Clearly not Stalin, who had succeeded Lenin in giving the orders to Borodin; three years after Lenin's death, Stalin was in the midst of the power struggle that was just then reaching a climax in Moscow. Thus Borodin was made the scapegoat for the Chinese fiasco. The fact that he was the holder of the Soviets' highest honor at the time, the Order of the Red Banner, could not save him. Abruptly recalled to Moscow, Borodin fell into near obscurity.

Finally, in the anti-Semitic ''cosmopolitan'' campaigns conducted under Stalin's and Beria's leadership in the early 1950's, Borodin, according to the Soviet Historical Encyclopedia, was ''illegally repressed.'' Informants in Moscow told Mr. Jacobs that Borodin died in a prison camp near Yakutsk in 1951. He had once towered ''over the Chinese scene ... when 300,000 Chinese passed in review before him,'' Mr. Jacobs concludes. Borodin was ''the star that glowed so brightly and briefly over China and whose burned-out embers now lie mixed with the soil outside a labor camp in Siberia.''

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