美國自由主义、反战、保守派的矛盾与双重标准

 自由主义、反战、保守派的矛盾与双重标准

反对美国参与越南战争，却要求美国政府针对孟加拉危機採取行動

美蘇军备控制只处理症状，而不是根本原因：

共产主义制度的独裁性质和对人权的侵犯。

但北越不是共產黨！

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在美国，由于遥远的南亚地区的斗争与美国国内现有的关于美国权力的特点和越南引起的道德问题的辩论融合在一起，冲突造成的破坏性人员伤亡的消息立即产生了影响。

尼克松政府受到了热烈的批评，因为它的反应没有像许多人希望的那样，公开强烈谴责西巴基斯坦。

美国关于东巴基斯坦局势的讨论继续由人权倡导者主导，其中一些人在各大报纸的版面上敦促尼克松采取主要是象征性的姿态。

 

In the United States, news of the conflict’s devastating human toll made an immediate impact as the struggle in distant South Asia merged with the existing domestic debate over the character of American power and the moral issues raised by Vietnam. The Nixon administration fell under passionate criticism because its response did not involve, as many desired, publicly condemning West Pakistan with great intensity. American discourse about the situation in East Pakistan continued to be dominated by human-rights advocates, some of whom took to the pages of the major newspapers to urge Nixon to adopt largely symbolic gestures.

 

他们提出的建议包括支持联合国实况调查团和红十字会在东巴基斯坦的存在，以及暂停美国对西巴基斯坦的所有军事和经济援助。

西巴基斯坦已经有了充足的武器，可悲的是，无论是武器禁运还是暂停援助，都不会使巴基斯坦领导人将他们的军队转向东巴基斯坦的人民。

可以肯定的是，这些措施将传达美国对巴基斯坦暴行的不满，但它们也会削弱美国的影响力，并威胁到刚刚开始的对华开放--巴基斯坦是我们的主要中间人。

 

Proposals ranged from supporting a UN fact-finding mission and Red Cross presence in East Pakistan to suspending all US military and economic aid to West Pakistan.[71]

For US decision-makers at the time, however, the calculus was much more complex. West Pakistan was already amply armed, and tragically neither an arms embargo nor a suspension of aid would divert Pakistani leaders from turning their army on the people of East Pakistan. To be sure, such measures would communicate US disapproval of Pakistani outrages, but they would also diminish American leverage and threaten the nascent opening to China – for which Pakistan was our principal intermediary.

 

矛盾的是，批评者将政府对这次最新危机的反应等同于其在越南的行为--但理由截然相反：

在东巴基斯坦，错误被断定为美国没有干预一个遥远的危机，被描述为美国宽恕了不公正；

在越南，美国被谴责为持续参与。

Paradoxically, critics equated the administration’s reaction to this latest crisis with its conduct in Vietnam – but on diametrically opposite grounds: in East Pakistan, the fault was asserted to be the absence of US intervention in a faraway crisis, described as if America condoned the iniquity; in Vietnam, America was condemned for its continuing involvement.

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核军备限制谈判的迫在眉睫产生了一系列新的国内争论。

自由主义者的共识首先是赞成迅速开启SALT谈判，然后是加速谈判，作为缓解紧张局势的一种方式。

但现在，随着军备控制在国际议程上的确立，一个新兴的自由派和保守派组合开始批评它们，理由是军备控制只处理症状，而不是根本原因：

共产主义制度的独裁性质和对人权的侵犯。

The imminence of nuclear arms-limitation negotiations produced a new set of domestic debates. The liberal consensus favored first the rapid opening of SALT negotiations, then their acceleration as a way of easing tensions. But now, as arms control was becoming established on the international agenda, an emerging combination of liberals and conservatives started to criticize them on the grounds that arms control dealt only with symptoms and not the underlying causes: the authoritarian nature of the communist system and its human rights violations.