鄂圖曼人想象中的日本:二十世纪之交的东方、中东和非西方现代性

鄂圖曼人想象中的日本:

二十世纪之交的东方、中东和非西方现代性

作者:雷妮-沃林格

Ottomans Imagining Japan:East, Middle East, and Non-Western Modernity at the Turn of the Twentieth Century

By Renée Worringer

Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 350 pages, $110.00, ISBN: 9781137384591.

Reviewed by Atsuko Ichijo

鄂圖曼人想象中的日本:

二十世纪之交的东方、中东和非西方现代性

作者:雷妮-沃林格

贝辛斯托克: 帕尔格雷夫-麦克米伦出版社,2014 年,350 页,110.00 美元,ISBN:9781137384591。

评论者:Atsuko Ichijo

将世界划分为 "西方 "和 "东方",即使是在全球化无疑拉近了世界不同地区距离的二十一世纪,这种划分仍然对我们看待、理解和谈论世界的方式产生着重大影响。 雷妮-沃林格(Renée Worringer)的《想象日本的奥斯曼人》(Ottomans Imagining Ja- pan)一书将这一难题置于历史背景中进行了分析:"西方 "与 "东方 "二元对立的起源至少可以追溯到 19 世纪,20 世纪 "西方 "与 "东方 "之间以及 "东方 "内部存在着大量的思想交流,尽管当时交流的速度和强度不如现在。

这无疑是一部力作。 在这部重要的跨国思想史中,沃林格仔细追溯了奥斯曼帝国的人们是如何看待、理解和表现明治日本的。 该书汇集了大量资料:开罗、大马士革、伊斯坦布尔和华盛顿的档案资料(美国政府在二战期间对日本与中东穆斯林关系的分析);阿拉伯语和奥斯曼土耳其语报纸和期刊;各种回忆录、论文和日记以及二手资料。 这些不同的资料经过整理,描述了不同地区、阶层、宗教信仰和民族的奥斯曼人对日本的各种印象,其中大部分是正面的。 日本形象的多样性自然反映了奥斯曼帝国不同群体的不同关切和利益。 例如,奥斯曼帝国的一些精英成员倾向于将日本描述为一个寡头政治和中央集权政府的典范,其中包含一些公民参与的规定。 青年土耳其人认为明治日本主要是君主立宪制。 许多奥斯曼土耳其人认为,日本人的力量源泉之一是他们的 "种族独特性",因为他们开始强调土耳其人的身份,而牺牲帝国中其他形式的身份。 阿拉伯穆斯林认为日本的力量在于其对传统的崇敬,因为日本被认为成功地将东方精神与西方科学相结合,他们越来越将自己视为虔诚穆斯林的后裔,认为自己应该能够重复明治日本所取得的成就。 有趣的是,信奉基督教的阿拉伯人也持有同样的观点。 然而,埃及阿拉伯人对日本却有不同的看法:对他们来说,日本是一个成功、独立和组成的国家,一旦英军被赶走,就应该在埃及建立这样的国家(第 17-20 页)。

对这些不同的观点及其演变过程进行了详细的追溯,揭示了引人入胜的情节:奥斯曼帝国的咖啡馆文化;一位默默无闻的日本人,他可能来自情报机构,也可能不是,但却成为了穆斯林;一位鞑靼穆斯林学者阿卜杜勒-易卜拉欣(Abdurresid Ibrahim),他从俄国逃亡而来,成为了奥斯曼帝国/土耳其共和国与日本之间的桥梁(他显然向出津俊彦教授了阿拉伯语和《古兰经》),等等。 这是一部优秀历史著作的魅力所在,但与此同时,对于非专业人士来说,这也意味着一定程度的冗余和重复。

沃林格认为,将日本想象成东方国家的典范,使奥斯曼帝国及其继承国的各种机构得以理解 "现代的含义"。 对他们来说,日本的经验展示了在不完全西化的情况下成为现代国家的可能性;换句话说,有一种不同的方式可以成为现代国家。 当这种不理解在西方霸权和反殖民主义的背景下显现出来时,出现了一些奇怪的发展。 沃林格强调了对朝鲜人明显缺乏同情的现象,朝鲜人与西方列强在世界各地所做的一样,被日本人殖民。 例如,认同日本成功模式的埃及民族主义者认为朝鲜人无法靠自己实现现代化,并认为日本正在执行 "为亚洲文明服务的崇高使命"(第 258 页)。 泛亚洲主义思想中暗示的非西方民族团结起来反对西方霸权的潜力,在这种背景下不知不觉地丧失了,从而关闭了 "普世性 "反殖民/反帝国团结的可能性。 Worringer 提议使用 "派生反殖民主义 "一词来解释这一点,"派生反殖民主义 "是一种反殖民主义话语,"由非西方国家产生,但受欧洲知识分子思想的影响,从而使西方在制定标准方面基本保持了自己的地位"(第 261 页),这似乎低估了西方霸权的压倒性力量。 我们不禁要问,在理解这一点时,是否可以引入舒梅尔-艾森斯塔特(Shumel Eisenstadt)的 "多重现代性 "观点。





The division of the world into the "West and the "East" continues to exert substantial influence on the way we see, understand, and talk about the world even in the twen- ty-first century when globalization has certainly pulled different parts of the world closer than ever. Renée Worringer's Ottomans Imagining Ja- pan contextualizes this puzzle in a historical context; that the origin of the binary of the "West" vs. "East" goes back, at least, to the nineteenth century and that there was a lot of flows of ideas between the "West" and "East" and within the "East" itself in the twentieth century, although the speed and intensity of exchange was less then than now.

Japan primarily as a constitutional monarchy. Many Ottoman Turks took the view that one of the sources of Japanese strength was their "racial uniqueness," as they began to emphasis Turkish identity at the expense of other forms of identity found in the Empire. Arab Muslims saw Japanese strength in its reverence for tra- dition since Japan was seen as being successful in combining Eastern spirit and Western sci- ence, and they increasingly saw themselves as the descendent of pious Muslims who should be able to repeat what Meiji Japan accom- plished. Interestingly, this view was shared by Christian Arabs. However, Egyptian Arabs had yet a different take on Japan: for them, it was a successful, independent, and constitu- tional country, something that should be built in Egypt once the British forces were driven away (pp. 17-20).

These different views and their evolution are traced in detail, which reveals fascinating epi- sodes: the coffee house culture in the Otto- man Empire; an obscure Japanese who may or may not have been from the intelligence agency but who became Muslim; a Tartar Muslim scholar, Abdurresid Ibrahim, who fled from Russia and became a bridge between the Ottoman Empire/the Turkish Republic and Japan (who apparently taught Arabic and Quran to Toshihiko Izutsu) and so on. This is the attraction of a good historical account but at the same time, for non-specialists it means a degree of redundancy and repetition.

Worringer argues that imagining Japan as a model Eastern nation allowed various agencies in the Ottoman Empire and in its suc- cessor states to develop an understanding of "what it means to be modern." To them, the Japanese experience showed a possibility of being modern without being completely Westernized; there was, in other words, a different way to be modern. When this un- derstanding was played out in the context of Western hegemony and anti-colonialism, there were some curious developments. Worringer highlights the apparent absence of empathy towards the Koreans, who were colonized by the Japanese in the same man- ner as the Western powers did in various parts of the world. Egyptian nationalists who identified with the Japanese model of suc- cess, for instance, saw Koreans as unable to modernize by themselves and took the view that Japan was carrying out a "noble mission civilisantrice for Asia" (p. 258). The potential for solidarity of non-Western peoples against Western hegemony hinted in the idea of Pan- Asianism was somehow lost in this context closing down the possibility of "universal- istic" anti-colonial/anti-imperial solidarity. Worringer proposes to make sense of this by using a term, 'derivative anti-colonial dis- course, an anti-colonial discourse "produced by the non-West but informed by European intellectual thought so that the West Ulti- mately retained its position in setting the standards" (p. 261), which appears to under- score the overwhelming strength of Western hegemony. One wonders if there is any room for introducing Shumel Eisenstadt's idea of "multiple modernities" in making sense of this.

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