1、INTRODUCTION

1、导言

 

 

 

Plate 1. The Prologue of the manuscript.

圖 1. 手稿的序言。

Sometime in the spring of 1846, with the fresh and heady scent of orange blossoms filling the gardens surrounding his native Tetuan, Muhammad aş-Şaffär, newly returned from travels in France, took up his pen and began to write. Before him was the thick bundle of notes reminding him of the people, places, and marvels seen and heard during his voyage. After invoking the blessings of God, he patiently set to work, recording his impressions in a careful, fluid hand steadied by years of practice.

 

1846 年春天的某个时候，穆罕默德-阿什-沙法尔刚从法国旅行归来，他在家乡Tetuan周围的花园里嗅到了清新醉人的橘子花香，于是他拿起笔开始写作。
摆在他面前的是一沓厚厚的纸条，上面记录着他旅行期间所见所闻的人物、地点和奇闻异事。
在祈求上帝保佑之后，他耐心地开始工作，用多年的实践练就的细心、流畅的笔触记录下自己的印象。

At the beginning of September, when the blossoms of spring were ripening into golden orbs, aş-Şaffar wrote the closing lines of his manuscript, giving expression to the relief that often comes with finishing an arduous task: "This is all that it is possible for this poor insignificant self to do, given his muddled brain and the pressures of other work. Were it not for the sake of helping him whose request is hereby answered-for obedience to him is an obligation-I would not have completed it." These words, and indeed the evident haste in which they were written, suggest that the request to which aş-Şaffar was responding came from the Sultan himself.

 

9 月初，当春暖花开时，阿什-沙法尔写下了手稿的最后几行，表达了完成一项艰巨任务后的欣慰之情：

"这是我这个微不足道的可怜虫所能做的一切，因为我的脑子糊涂了，还有其他工作的压力。
如果不是为了帮助他，我是不会完成这项任务的，因为服从他是我的义务"。
这些话，以及写这些话时明显的匆忙，表明阿什-沙法尔所回应的请求来自苏丹本人。

Why was Mulay 'Abd ar-Rahman, Commander of the Faithful, descendent of the Prophet Muhammad, head of a dynasty that had ruled Morocco for more than two hundred years, so eager to read Muhammad as-Saffar's account? One reason may have been the expectation that its densely filled pages would contain answers to some troubling questions: What is the secret of French power? How can it be acquired? How have they achieved mastery over nature in ways as yet unknown to us? How do they lead their daily lives, educate their children, treat their women and servants? What is the status of their learning, how do they amuse themselves, what do they eat? In short, what is the condition of their civilization, and how does it differ from ours?

 

穆莱-阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼是忠实的统帅、先知穆罕默德的后裔、统治摩洛哥 200 多年的王朝的首领，他为何如此渴望阅读穆罕默德-阿斯-萨法尔的叙述？
其中一个原因可能是，他认为书中密密麻麻的篇幅将包含一些令人不安的问题的答案：
 
法国权力的秘密是什么？
如何获得？
他们是如何以我们尚不知晓的方式驾驭自然的？
他们的日常生活、子女教育、妇女和仆人待遇如何？
他们的学习状况如何，他们如何自娱自乐，他们吃什么？
总之，他们的文明状况如何，与我们的文明有何不同？

 

The significance of Muhammad aş-Şaffar's Rihla(旅行), or travel account, arises from the author's ability to offer answers to these questions and to capture his experience in finely drawn images that are profoundly human. He had the aptitude for opening a window on a world remote from his own and transmitting what he saw to others. Through his minute descriptions of the new (and almost everything is new), we feel the texture of the cultural encounter: in reading his travel account, we have the rare opportunity to "get inside the skin" of a literate Moroccan at a critical moment that tested his beliefs, sensibilities, and bearings.

 

穆罕默德-阿什-沙法尔的《里赫拉》（或称《游记》）之所以意义重大，是因为作者能够回答这些问题，并将自己的经历描绘成具有深刻人性的精美画面。
他善于为远离自己的世界打开一扇窗，并将自己的所见所闻传递给他人。
通过他对新事物（几乎所有事物都是新的）的细微描述，我们感受到了文化邂逅的质感：

在阅读他的旅行记录时，我们有了一个难得的机会，"深入 "一个识字的摩洛哥人的内心世界，在那个关键时刻，他的信仰、情感和定位都受到了考验。

Aş-Şaffar's "rendezvous" with the new, to borrow Barthes's phrase, evokes a far greater confrontation, in which his experience was magnified many times. In the background to his journey were events which had profoundly upset the Moroccan ruling elite's perception of its own power vis-à-vis the West. Indeed, aş-Şaffar's journey was part of an effort to try to correct the imbalance, and to gain insight into what had gone wrong. The age in which he lived was one of anxiety about Moroccan abilities against a militant West, and of fears about the impact of external affairs on a fragile domestic order. These larger issues are the antecedents to the voyage, casting it onto a higher plane of historical significance. In order to understand the Rihla(旅行), we must first see it within the setting of its times.

 

1. See page 220.

 

借用巴特的说法，阿斯-沙法尔与新事物的 "相会 "唤起了一场更大的对抗，在这场对抗中，他的经历被放大了许多倍。
在他旅行的背景中，发生了一些事件，这些事件深深打乱了摩洛哥统治精英对自己相对于西方力量的看法。
事实上，阿什-沙法尔的旅行是试图纠正这种不平衡的努力的一部分，也是为了深入了解出了什么问题。
他所处的时代是一个对摩洛哥抵御好战的西方国家的能力感到焦虑的时代，
也是一个外部事务对脆弱的国内秩序的影响感到担忧的时代。
这些更大的问题是这次航行的前因后果，使其具有更高的历史意义。
为了理解游记，我们必须首先将其置于时代背景中加以审视。

1. See page 220.

 

1-1Morocco, France, Algeria

1-1摩洛哥、法国、阿尔及利亚

 

The watershed event of aş-Şaffar's generation was the French landing in Algiers in 1830. As the French coastal enclave grew into a full-scale occupation, the geographical continuum of Muslim states stretching from Egypt to Morocco, established in the first centuries of Islam, was abruptly broken. For Morocco, the French penetration meant that a Christian power now shared a long, exposed border of open plains and deserts, offering an open way into the Moroccan heartland. It was an unprecedented turn of events, and its effect was traumatic.

 

阿什-沙法尔这一代人的分水岭事件是 1830 年法国在阿尔及尔的登陆。
随着法国沿海飞地发展成为全面占领，伊斯兰教最初几个世纪建立的从埃及到摩洛哥的穆斯林国家的地理连续性被突然打破。
对摩洛哥来说，法国的渗透意味着一个基督教国家现在分享了一个漫长、裸露的平原和沙漠地带，为进入摩洛哥腹地提供了一条通路。
这是一次史无前例的转折，其影响是巨大的。

It was not the first time that invaders from Europe had threatened Morocco, but this was a threat of a new and different order. Iberian marauders in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had made inroads into the coast, but these occupations were for the most part transitory. By the seventeenth century, a static tension had developed between Morocco and Europe whose fault line was the sea; Moroccan and European-based corsairs would raid each other's shipping, enriching their respective coffers under the guise of religious faith. By the middle of the eighteenth century piracy had slackened off, giving way to less violent forms of exchange. Occasional warfare was one feature of the Moroccan-European relationship; active trade and diplomacy was another. Under Sultan Muhammad III (1757-90) a new port was built at Mogador (aş-Şawira) on the Atlantic coast, in order to attract foreign merchants and to generate customs revenues for the treasury of the Makhzan. Then came the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, and a decisive break in-relations with the West. Moreover, the death of Sultan Muhammad III initiated a struggle for succession that unleashed countrywide spasms of warfare. Political life entered a period of excess that was unusual even in the weary eyes of the Moroccan chroniclers.

 

来自欧洲的入侵者并不是第一次威胁摩洛哥，但这是一次全新的威胁。
十五和十六世纪，伊比利亚掠夺者曾侵入海岸，但这些占领大多是短暂的。
到了 17 世纪，摩洛哥和欧洲之间形成了一种静态的紧张关系，这种紧张关系的断层线就是海洋；摩洛哥和欧洲的海盗们会以宗教信仰为幌子，袭击对方的航运，为各自的国库带来财富。
到 18 世纪中叶，海盗活动逐渐减少，让位于暴力程度较低的交流形式。
偶尔的战争是摩洛哥与欧洲关系的一个特点，而积极的贸易和外交则是另一个特点。
苏丹穆罕默德三世（1757-1790 年）在大西洋沿岸的摩加多尔（aş-Şawira）建造了一个新港口，以吸引外国商人，并为马赫赞国库带来关税收入。
随后，法国大革命和拿破仑战争爆发，与西方的关系出现了决定性的断裂。
此外，苏丹穆罕默德三世的去世引发了一场继承权争夺战，全国范围内战火纷飞。
政治生活进入了一个过度时期，即使在摩洛哥编年史家疲惫的眼中，这也是不寻常的。

@@@1912年，法国与西班牙签订《马德里条约》，摩洛哥被分割为南、北两个保护国。1921年5月，阿卜德·克里姆（Abd al-Krim）率领摩洛哥里夫中部瓦亚哈尔部落（Aith Waryaghar）发动反对西班牙殖民统治的里夫战争，并于1923年2月1日建立里夫共和国（RefianRepublican State，Dawla Jumhuriya Rifiya）。该政权虽于1926年因殖民政府镇压而灭亡，却在摩洛哥历史上留下了浓墨重彩的一笔。

 

@@@里夫共和国常与“共和”（Ripublik）一词相联系。“共和”在经典摩洛哥社会人类学著作中有特殊含义，欧洲学者借用该词来指代具有原始民主制特征的里夫部落社会形态，也可等同于“希巴”（blad el-Siba，指不受摩洛哥素丹控制的地区），与“马赫赞”（blad el-Makhzan，指摩洛哥素丹朝廷及其直接控制的地区）相对。尽管字面表述并不完全重合，但在同时代的里夫人眼里，里夫政权具有临时性，他们更倾向于将之称为“里夫部落联盟共和国”（Republic of Confederated Tribes of the Rif）或“里夫阵线”（Rifian Front）。这就引出了里夫战争起源和性质问题。

 

It was not until the 1820s that both Morocco and Europe emerged from the time of troubles. On the continent, Europeans celebrated peace with a burst of growth and an assertive search for overseas markets and sources of supply. While Europe entered a new age, Morocco drew inward, and under Sultan Mulay Sulayman (1793-1822) broke most of her European ties. In 1817 the Sultan disbanded what was left of the Moroccan fleet, and put an end to all maritime trade on Moroccan ships. Ports were closed to foreign trade, and Moroccans were forbidden to travel abroad without permission of the Sultan. His successor, Mulay Abd ar-Rahman (1822-59), tried to redress the imbalance but failed, and Morocco returned to self-imposed isolation. The near-total break in Morocco's relations with the West lasted more than a generation. During the interval, Western Europe metamorphosed in ways most Moroccans could not imagine."

 

直到十九世纪二十年代，摩洛哥和欧洲才走出困境。
在欧洲大陆，欧洲人庆祝和平，经济迅速增长，并积极寻找海外市场和供应来源。
在欧洲进入新时代的同时，摩洛哥却向内发展，在苏丹穆莱-苏莱曼（1793-1822 年）的领导下，摩洛哥与欧洲断绝了大部分联系。
1817 年，苏丹解散了所剩无几的摩洛哥舰队，结束了摩洛哥船只的所有海上贸易。
港口对外贸关闭，摩洛哥人未经苏丹允许不得出国旅行。
他的继任者穆莱-阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼（Mulay Abd ar-Rahman，1822-1859 年）试图纠正这种不平衡，但没有成功，摩洛哥又回到了自我封闭的状态。
摩洛哥与西方的关系几乎完全中断，这种情况持续了一代多的时间。
在此期间，西欧以大多数摩洛哥人无法想象的方式蜕变"。

The French conquest of Algeria abruptly ended this phase and thrust Morocco once again onto the European stage. Against his will, the Sultan was drawn into the affairs of his Algerian neighbor. Morocco's involvement began with the Amir Abd al-Qadir, an Algerian leader who in 1832 organized local resistance to the French. The Sultan helped him with arms and supplies, fulfilling his religious duty to respond to the Christian threat. But at the same time the Sultan was wary of the Amir's undisciplined army and charismatic appeal, and feared he would arouse France to attack Morocco.9

 

法国对阿尔及利亚的征服突然结束了这一阶段，并将摩洛哥再次推向欧洲舞台。
苏丹违背自己的意愿，被卷入了邻国阿尔及利亚的事务中。
1832年，阿尔及尔领导人阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔（Amir Abd al-Qadir）组织当地人抵抗法国人。
苏丹为他提供了武器和补给，履行了自己的宗教义务，以应对基督教的威胁。
但与此同时苏丹对埃米尔军纪涣散、魅力无穷充满戒心，担心他会引起法国对摩洛哥的进攻。

This friendly, if uneasy, relationship continued as long as the war was confined to Algeria. But in 1841 the conflict suddenly entered a new phase. General Bugeaud, recently appointed chief of the French army, swore that "the Arabs will neither sow, reap, nor pasture without our permission," and pursued 'Abd al-Qadir relentlessly, finally forcing him across the border into Morocco. On 6 August 1844, without warning, a French fleet bombarded Tangier, and a few days later reduced Mogador to ruins. In one week the French had damaged the Sultan's two chief ports and severely impaired his customs revenues." Meanwhile, General Bugeaud crossed the border and destroyed a Moroccan army at the River Isly. On land and sea, the Moroccans were in defeat.

 

只要战争还局限于阿尔及利亚，这种友好（尽管并不融洽）的关系就会持续下去。
但在 1841 年，冲突突然进入了一个新阶段。
刚被任命为法军总司令的布热奥（Bugeaud）将军发誓
 "没有我们的允许，阿拉伯人既不能播种、收割，也不能放牧"，
并对阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔穷追不舍，最终迫使他越过边境进入摩洛哥。
1844 年 8 月 6 日，一支法国舰队在毫无征兆的情况下轰炸了丹吉尔，几天后又将摩加迪尔变成了废墟。
一周之内，法国人就破坏了苏丹的两个主要港口，并严重影响了他的海关收入"。
与此同时，布热奥将军越过边境，在伊斯利河歼灭了摩洛哥军队。
摩洛哥人在陆地和海上都遭到了失败。

Now France sought to make peace. "Now we can be generous without being weak," Bugeaud wrote, "because we have hit them hard." The Treaty of Tangier of September 1844, and the Treaty of Lalla Maghnia the following March, solidified the French success while exacting a heavy price from the Sultan." He had to agree to cooperate in the capture of 'Abd al-Qadir, as well as to negotiate new border demarcations. In one fell swoop he was forced to abandon his opposition to the French, and to concede their presence in Algeria a de facto recognition it had never before had.

 

现在法国寻求和平 布热奥写道：
"现在我们可以慷慨而不软弱，""因为我们已经重创了他们"。
1844 年 9 月的《丹吉尔条约》和1945年 3 月的《拉拉-马格尼亚条约》巩固了法国的成功，同时也让苏丹付出了沉重的代价。
他不得不同意合作攻占阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔，并就新的边界划分进行谈判。
一举迫使苏丹放弃反对法国人的立场，并在事实上承认法国人在阿尔及利亚的存在。

Meanwhile, the Makhzan tried to come to terms with the disaster. Moroccan writings of the time demonstrate, according to the Moroccan historian Muhammad al-Manūnī, the "confusion of spirit" and the "muddled thinking" of the men of the court and the ulema. Two motifs emerge: the first, a call to holy war; the second, a searching through the classical texts to find explanations for the catastrophe Both suggest that, at least initially, some members of the elite looked inward for guidance on how to react to the French threat in Algeria. But for others in the ruling circle, it was clear that inherited wisdom was inadequate, and that new information was needed. The doors of the Makhzan were far from hermetically sealed, and novel concepts were beginning to filter in. By the mid-1840s, curiosity about Europe had taken root in a small yet influential circle of men who became partisans, not exactly of reform, but rather of "inquiry" and of "seeing and hearing" (as aşŞaffar put it) what the West had to offer. Perhaps this curiosity was stirred by reports from travelers-Europeans, Moroccans, other Muslims-who brought news of the great scientific and technological changes taking place in Europe; perhaps it was stimulated by the appearance of travel books such as the Egyptian at-Tahțāwī's voyage to Paris, which found its way into the library of the Sultan's First Minister Ibn Idrīs;1" most certainly, it arose as a consequence of military defeat. Drawing on these sources, the idea of a mission to witness European civilization at first hand seems to have taken hold. It was a controversial idea, fraught with misgivings; nevertheless, it was an idea whose moment had come.

 

与此同时，Makhzan 人试图接受这种混乱。
摩洛哥历史学家穆罕默德-马努尼（Muhammad al-Manūnī）认为，当时的摩洛哥著作显示了宫廷和乌里玛的 "精神混乱 "和 "思维混乱"。
这两个主题都表明，至少在最初，一些精英分子向内寻求如何应对法国在阿尔及利亚的威胁的指导。
但对于统治圈中的其他人来说，继承下来的智慧显然是不够的，他们需要新的信息。
马赫赞的大门远非密闭，新的理念开始渗透进来。
到 19 世纪 40 年代中期，对欧洲的好奇心在一个小圈子里生根发芽，这个圈子很小，但却很有影响力，他们成为了 "探究 "和 "看一看、听一听"（阿斯-沙法尔语）西方所能提供的东西的拥护者。
也许是欧洲人、摩洛哥人、其他穆斯林等旅行者带来了欧洲科技巨变的消息，激起了人们的好奇心；也许是埃及人 At-Tahțāwī 的《巴黎航行记》等游记的出现刺激了人们的好奇心，这本书还进入了苏丹第一大臣伊本-伊德里斯（Ibn Idrīs）的图书馆；1 "最肯定的是，这种好奇心是军事失败的结果。
在这些资料的基础上，"亲眼目睹欧洲文明 "的想法似乎已经深入人心。
这是一个有争议的想法，充满了疑虑；但无论如何，这个想法的时机已经到来。

NOTES：

2. J. Bookin-Weiner, "The 'Sallee Rovers': Morocco and its Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century," in The Middle East and North Africa: Essays in Honor of J. C. Hurewitz, ed. Reeva S. Simon (New York, 1990), p. 317.

 

3. Daniel Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira: Urban Society and Imperialism in Southwestern Morocco, 1844-1886 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 11-20. Makhzan is the Arabic name for the Moroccan government, derived from the word meaning "storehouse."

 

4. Ahmad b. Khalid an-Näşiri, Kitāb al-istiqşā li-akhbar duwal al-Maghrib al-aqsa, 9 vols. (Casablanca, 1956), 8:72-86.

5. On the dismantling of the Moroccan navy in the early nineteenth century, see M. al-Manūnī, Mazāhir yaqzat al-Maghrib al-hadith (Rabat, 1973), 1:3-8 (all references to this work are from the 1973 edition unless otherwise indicated). See also J.-L. Miège, "La marine marocaine au xix siècle," Bulletin de l'enseignement publique au Maroc 237 (1956): 51-57.

 

6. An example is the zahir, or proclamation, from Mulay Sulayman to the Hajj Abd ar-Rahman Ash'äsh, dated 28 Shawwal 1221/8 January 1807, granting him permission to travel abroad. TT 3:236.

 

7. J. Caillé, "Le dernier exploit des corsaires du Bou-Regreg," Hesp. 37. 3-4 (1950): 429-37-

 

8. For an overview, see J.-L. Miège, Le Maroc et l'Europe, 4 vols. (Paris,1961), vol. 2: L'ouverture, pp. 19-258; L. Valensi, Le Maghreb avant la prise d'Alger (1790-1830) (Paris, 1969).

9. On 'Abd al-Qadir, son of Muhi ad-Din al-Mukhtärī (1807-83), resistance leader from 1832 to 1847, see R. Gallissot, "La guerre d'Abd el Kader ou la ruine de la nationalité algérienne (1839-1847)," H-T 5 (1964): 119-41. P. de Cossé-Brissac, Les rapports de la France et du Maroc pendant la conquête de l'Algérie (1830-1847) (Paris, 1931), details diplomatic initiatives. For a postcolonial reinterpretation, see A. Laroui, History of the Maghrib (Princeton, 1977), pp. 299-301. A basic work is C.-A. Julien, Histoire de l'Algérie contemporaine (Paris, 1964), ch. 4. Paul Azan says 'Abd al-Qādir gave the Sultan "the deference due to a seigneur by his vassal." Azan, L'émir

 

Abd el Kader (Paris, 1925), p. 142.

 

10. Quoted in Julien, Histoire, p. 174.

 

11. An eyewitness account of these events is A.-H. Warnier, Campagne

 

du Maroc, 1844 (Paris, 1899).

 

12. Quoted in Cossé-Brissac, Rapports, p. 96.

 

13. Texts of both treaties are in H. M. P. de La Martinière and N. Lacroix, Documents pour servir à l'étude du nord-ouest africain, 4 vols. (Algiers, 1894-97), 2:517-21.

 

14. Al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:13.

 

15. The first trend is exemplified by an exhortatory poem (qaşīda) of the Minister Ibn Idris that begins: "Oh people of our Maghrib, it is time to sound the alarm! / To the jihad, to right what is wrong." Al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:20. Also M. Lakhdar, La vie littéraire au Maroc sous la dynastie 'Alawide (Rabat, 1971), pp. 316-17, 327-35. The second trend is seen in the work of Muhammad b. Abd al-Qadir al-Kilānī, known as al-Kardūdī, an 'alim of Fes, who wrote Kashf al-ghumma bi-bayan anna harb an-nizam ("Unveiling the Sorrow, An Explanation of the War of Order"), BGR MS# D1281; quoted in al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:13-15, and A. Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912) (Paris, 1977), pp.276-78.

 

16. Laroui, Origines, pp. 273-74, 278.

 

註解：

2. J. Bookin-Weiner, 「The 『Sallee Rovers』」：
 J. Bookin-Weiner, "The 『Sallee Rovers』：
 J. Bookin-Weiner，「The 『Sallee Rovers』：
Morocco and its Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century」，收錄於 The Middle East and North Africa：
2。
J. Bookin-Weiner, "The 『Sallee Rovers』：
 J. Bookin-Weiner, 「The 『Sallee Rovers』: Morocco and its Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century,」 in The Middle East and North Africa：
 (美國)。
Reeva S. Simon (New York). Reeva S. Simon (New York, 1990), p. 317。

3. 3. Daniel Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira：
 3. Daniel Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira: Urban Society and Imperialism in Southwestern Morocco, 1844-1886 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. Makhzan 是摩洛哥政府的阿拉伯文名稱，源自「倉庫」之意。

4. 4. Ahmad b. Khalid an-Näşiri, Kitāb al-istiqşā li-akhbar duwal al-Maghrib al-aqsa, 9 vols. (Casablanca, 1956), 8:72-86.

5. 關於十九世紀初摩洛哥海軍的解散，請參閱 M. al-Manūnī, Mazāhir yaqzat al-Maghrib al-hadith (Rabat, 1973), 1:3-8（除非另有說明，否則本著作的所有參考資料均來自 1973 年版）。
另請參閱 J.-L. Miège, 「La marine marocaine au xix siècle,」 Bulletin de l'enseignement publique au Maroc 237 (1956)：
 51-57.

 

6. 例如，Mulay Sulayman 於 1221 年 10 月 28 日/1807 年 1 月 8 日致 Hajj Abd ar-Rahman Ash'äsh 的 zahir 或宣告，允許他出國旅行。
TT 3:236.

 

7. J. Caillé, 「Le dernier exploit des corsaires du Bou-Regreg,」 Hesp. 3-4 (1950): 429-37-

 

8. 有關概況，請參閱 J.-L. Miège, Le Maroc et l'Europe, 4 vols、

 

1961), vol. 2: L'ouverture, pp.

 

d'Alger (1790-1830) (Paris, 1969).

9. 關於 1832 至 1847 年間的抵抗領袖 Muhi ad-Din al-Mukhtärī (1807-83) 的兒子 'Abd al-Qadir, 見 R. Gallissot, 「La guerre d'Abd el Kader ou la ruine de la nationalité algérienne (1839-1847),」 H-T 5 (1964)：
 119-41. P. de Cossé-Brissac, Les rapports de la France et du Maroc pendant la conquête de l'Algérie (1830-1847) (Paris, 1931)，詳述外交措施。
有關殖民後的重新詮釋，請參閱 A. Laroui, History of the Maghrib (Princeton, 1977)，第 299-301 頁。
基本著作是 C.-A. Julien, Histoire de l「Algérie contemporaine (Paris, 1964)，第 4 章。
Paul Azan 說 」Abd al-Qādir 給了蘇丹「繼承人對繼承人的尊重」。
Azan, L'émir

 

Abd el Kader》（巴黎，1925 年），第 142 頁。

10. 引自 Julien, Histoire, 第 174 頁。

11. A.-H. Warnier, Campagne. Warnier, Campagne du Maroc, 1844 (Paris, 1899)。

12. 引自 Cossé-Brissac, Rapports, 第 96 頁。

13. 兩份條約的文本均收錄於 H. M. P. de La Martinière and N. Lacroix, Documents pour servir à l'étude du nord-ouest africain, 4 vols. (Algiers, 1894-97), 2:517-21。

14. Al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:13。

15. 第一個趨勢是大臣伊本伊德里斯 (Ibn Idris) 的一首勸誡詩（qaşīda），開頭為 「馬格裡布的人民啊，是時候敲響警鐘了！/為了聖戰，為了糾正錯誤"。
Al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:20。
另外 M. Lakhdar, La vie littéraire au Maroc sous la dynastie 'Alawide (Rabat, 1971), pp. 第二個趨勢見於 Muhammad b. Abd al-Qadir al-Kilānī，人稱 al-Kardūdī，費斯的一位 'alim'，他寫了 Kashf al-ghumma bi-bayan anna harb an-nizam（《揭開悲哀的面紗，秩序之戰的解釋》），BGR MS# D1281；引自 al-Manūnī，Mazahir 1:13-15，以及 A. Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912) (Paris, 1977), pp.276-78 .

 

16. Laroui, Origines, pp.

 

1-2The Embassy of Ash ash

1-2阿什使馆

 

The idea of a Moroccan embassy was first raised during negotiations over the Treaty of Lalla Maghnia, when the French suggested that the Sultan send an envoy to France to implement "the modifications and changes that the new situation demanded." These overtures were greeted with reserve by the Makhzan. Months passed with no answer, while factions within the court debated the idea. The Sultan's representative to the foreign consuls, Bū Silhām b. 'Alī Azțūt, told a French intermediary that he favored conciliation with France but his views were not yet accepted at the court: "An alliance with France suits us," he is reported to have said. "This idea is not yet completely accepted by the Emperor but it is germinating in his spirit; I will nurture it with all the means in my power."19 Encouraged by this news, the French assigned Léon Roches, one of their most gifted and tenacious agents, to organize the mission. Roches was in steady contact with Bū Silhām in Larache and with First Minister Muhammad Ibn Idris at the court.2

 

设立摩洛哥大使馆的想法最初是在《拉拉-马赫尼亚条约》谈判期间提出的，当时法国人建议苏丹派遣一名特使前往法国，以实施 "新形势所要求的修改和变革"。
马赫赞对这些建议持保留态度。
几个月过去了，没有得到任何答复，而宫廷内部各派则对这一想法争论不休。
苏丹驻外国领事的代表 Bū Silhām b. 'Alī Azțūt 告诉一位法国中间人，他赞成与法国结盟，但他的观点尚未被宫廷接受：
 "据报道，他说：
"与法国结盟适合我们。
"19 在这一消息的鼓舞下，法国人指派他们最有天赋和最顽强的代理人之一莱昂-Roches（Léon Roches）组织这次使团。
Roches与拉赫的布-西尔哈姆（Bū Silhām）以及宫廷第一大臣穆罕默德-伊本-伊德里斯（Muhammad Ibn Idris）保持着稳定的联系。

@@@ Léon Roches（1809 年 9 月 27 日，格勒諾布爾 - 1900 年 6 月 23 日，波爾多）是一位法國外交官，1864 年至 18681 年間擔任法國駐日本大使。支持幕府改革。

 

Meanwhile, the French government's enthusiasm for a Moroccan embassy grew, especially as its political advantages became clear. The ambassador would be tangible proof to a divided French public that the goals of the long and costly Algerian war had finally been achieved: "The Emperor of Morocco must give our King a Powerful weapon to withstand the opinion of his subjects," wrote Roches. "That weapon is the ambassador." Also in the back of Roches's mind was another vision of a Morocco tamed and chastened, and joining the ranks of Muslim states that had already submitted to the will of France. The Sultan would someday conclude an alliance like "that which exists between us and the Sultan of Constantinople, the Pasha of Egypt, and the Bey of Tunis. You should come to our country to seek the instructors who will furnish magnificent battalions to Turkey, Egypt, and Tunis, and to study our science and industry."23

 

与此同时，法国政府对摩洛哥使馆的热情与日俱增，特别是随着其政治优势的日益明显。
大使将向分裂的法国公众切实证明，漫长而代价高昂的阿尔及利亚战争的目标终于实现了：
 "罗歇写道：
"摩洛哥皇帝必须给我们的国王一个强大的武器，以抵制臣民的舆论。
"这个武器就是大使。
罗歇的脑海中还浮现出另一个愿景：
一个被驯服、受到约束的摩洛哥，加入已经屈服于法国意志的穆斯林国家的行列。
有朝一日，苏丹将缔结一个类似于 "我们与君士坦丁堡苏丹、埃及帕夏和突尼斯酋长之间的联盟"。
你们应该来我们国家寻找教官，他们将为土耳其、埃及和突尼斯提供强大的军队，并研究我们的科学和工业 "23。

Compelling reasons led the Moroccans to negotiations at this time. First of all, there was the situation with 'Abd al-Qadir; the French were pressing for his expulsion, but the Sultan needed more time. Roches argued that direct appeal for patience made in Paris would be more persuasive than indirect diplomacy in Morocco. 24 Then there was the advantage of seeing France at first hand; some of the inspiration behind the embassy must have been the chance to gather intelligence directly, and through a trusted envoy, rather than through intermediaries whose loyalties were in doubt. Finally, ③ the Sultan may have reasoned, negotiation in this case was the proper course. While holy war was one aspect of the relationship with the non-Muslim world, compromise and conciliation, sulh and hudna, were another, employed by Muslim rulers since the earliest times. As long as there was a consensus that it served the interests of the community, and as long as the agreements reached were seen as temporary and short-term, diplomacy with non-Muslims was an approved instrument of policy. 25

 

迫不得已的原因促使摩洛哥人在此时进行谈判。
首先是阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔（'Abd al-Qadir）的情况；法国人正在催促驱逐他，但苏丹需要更多的时间。
Roches认为，在巴黎直接呼吁耐心等待比在摩洛哥间接外交更有说服力。
24 此外，在第一时间见到法国也有好处；使馆背后的一些启发肯定是有机会直接收集情报，而且是通过一位值得信赖的特使，而不是通过忠诚度令人怀疑的中间人。
最后，③ 苏丹可能认为，在这种情况下，谈判才是正确的选择。
圣战是穆斯林与非穆斯林世界关系的一个方面，
而妥协与和解，即 sulh 和 hudna，则是穆斯林统治者自古以来就采用的另一种方式。
只要大家一致认为这样做符合穆斯林的利益，只要达成的协议被视为暂时和短期的，那么与非穆斯林的外交就是一种被认可的政策手段。25

 

Precedent also dictated the conventions of Muslim diplomacy. Unlike European states, who watched over their foreign interests through resident consuls, most Muslim states in premodern times, including Morocco, had no corps of "professional" diplomats and no permanent embassies abroad. Negotiations were usually carried out by special envoys chosen by the ruler: they went abroad, performed their duties, and returned home as soon as the mission was completed. Nevertheless, to be chosen as an envoy was a mark of distinction, and diplomatic appointments were eagerly sought. So when the Sultan's intention of sending an ambassador to France became known, his choice became a subject of intense speculation.

 

先例也决定了穆斯林外交的惯例。
与欧洲国家通过驻外领事监督其对外利益不同，前现代的大多数穆斯林国家，包括摩洛哥在内，都没有 "专业 "外交官队伍，也没有常设驻外使馆。
谈判通常由统治者挑选的特使进行：
他们出国履行职责，完成使命后立即回国。
尽管如此，被选为特使也是一种荣耀，因此人们都热切地希望得到外交任命。
因此，当苏丹打算向法国派遣一名大使的消息传开后，他的人选就成了人们热衷猜测的话题。

Friends at the court told Roches how the topic of the embassy was on everyone's lips. Each faction had its own candidate; the French Consul at Tangier, Edme de Chasteau, reported that "Ibn Idris has come forth with one, Bū Silhām with another, and the Emperor is inclined toward a rich merchant of Fes."26 Hoping to influence the choice, Roches invoked the days of Mulay Isma'il and Louis XIV, when relations between the two nations were marked by "pomp, magnificence, and happy results," and urged the Moroccans to appoint "a man who combines all the advantages of an imposing exterior, an intelligent spirit, a noble origin, and an elevated rank in his government."27

 

宫廷里的朋友们告诉罗歇，使馆的话题是如何成为每个人的谈资。
每个派别都有自己的候选人；法国驻丹吉尔领事埃德姆-德-沙斯托（Edme de Chasteau）报告说：
"伊本-伊德里斯（Ibn Idris）提出了一个人选，布-西尔哈姆（Bū Silhām）提出了另一个人选，而皇帝则倾向于菲斯的一个富商。
"26 Roches希望对人选产生影响，他提到了穆莱-伊斯玛仪和路易十四的时代，当时两国关系的特点是 "华丽、壮观和结果皆大欢喜"，他敦促摩洛哥人任命 "一个集威严的外表、智慧的精神、高贵的出身和政府中的高级职位等所有优点于一身的人 "27。

Word finally came that the Sultan had reached a decision. Roches heard from "a friend at the court in Fes" that 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash, the governor of Tetuan, had been selected. Roches immediately wrote a flattering description of Ash'ash to Foreign Minister Guizot that made up in enthusiasm what it lacked in accuracy:

 

苏丹终于做出了决定。
Roches从 "菲斯宫廷的一位朋友 "那里得知，德图安省Tetuan省长阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什阿什（Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash）已被选中。
Roches立即给外交部长吉佐（Guizot）写了一封对阿什阿什的溢美之词：

His ancestors were among the Moors chased out of Spain in the fifteenth century who settled where the city of Tetuan is now; that is to say, they were its founders. Since that time, the position of Pasha [governor] has fallen to the eldest of the family. This hereditary pashalik [governorship] is without parallel in Morocco. Ash'ash is thus among the men of good breeding and distinction. Barely thirty-five years old, he is learned and has much worldly experience. He possesses all the confidence and friendship of the Emperor, has a considerable fortune, and has been to Mecca. . It would be quite impossible to find in Morocco a man more suitable than he. 28

 

他的祖先是十五世纪被赶出西班牙的摩尔人，他们在现在的Tetuan市定居，也就是说，他们是这座城市的创始人。
从那时起，帕夏（总督）一职就由家族中的长子担任。
这种世袭的帕夏里克（省长）职位在摩洛哥是绝无仅有的。
因此，Ash'ash 属于有教养、出类拔萃的人。
他年仅 35 岁，但博学多才，阅历丰富。
他得到了皇帝的信任和友谊，拥有一笔可观的财富，还去过麦加。
在摩洛哥不可能找到比他更合适的人选了。
28

 

Ash'ash was the eldest son of a rich and powerful Tetuan family that had ruled the city for three generations. His grandfather, 'Abd ar-Rahman Ash'ash, the first of his family to gain political prominence, had been governor of Tetuan at three different times; his father, Muhammad Ash'ash, also a governor, was known as a man of powerful and autocratic personality. Greatly feared and respected, he was said to have ruled Tetuan with an iron hand. "In his day," says his biographer Muhammad Dawud, "it was safe for womenfolk to walk the streets day and night," in the classic metaphor for peace and security. His ruthlessness and loyalty to the Sultan allowed him to consolidate the hold of his clan over Tetuan, and at his death in 1845 the governorship passed directly to his eldest 'Abd al-Qadir. 29

 

阿什阿什是一个富有而强大的Tetuan家族的长子，这个家族已经统治了这座城市三代。
他的祖父阿卜杜-拉赫曼-阿什阿什（'Abd ar-Rahman Ash'ash）是家族中第一个在政治上获得显赫地位的人，曾三次担任过Tetuan省省长；他的父亲穆罕默德-阿什阿什（Muhammad Ash'ash）也曾担任过省长，是一个以强势和专制著称的人。
他的父亲穆罕默德-阿什阿什（Muhammad Ash'ash）也曾担任过总督，是一位著名的强势独裁者。
"他的传记作者穆罕默德-达乌德（Muhammad Dawud）说：
"在他的时代，妇女们日夜都可以安全地走在街上。
他的冷酷无情和对苏尔坦的忠诚使他得以巩固其部族对Tetuan的控制，1845 年他去世后，总督职位直接传给了他的长子阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔。
29

 

'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash had held office for only a few months when the prize of the ambassadorship was awarded to him. Moreover, he was younger than Roches estimated, probably twenty-eight years old. One wonders how a man of so little experience was chosen for such a demanding task. It was true that Ash'ash was no newcomer to public life; he had spent his formative years at his father's side, apprenticing in the subtle politics of town and court. 3º But more important than his background and capabilities was his enormous wealth, which allowed him to assume the expenses of the embassy himself. This seems to have been the deciding factor, and Ash'ash was regarded as a fortunate choice: dignified, skilled in public affairs, and endowed with a private fortune that would relieve the Makhzan of much of the heavy costs of the mission. 3"

The letter from the Sultan appointing 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash also instructed him on how to prepare for the journey:

 

阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什（Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash）被授予大使职位时，他才刚刚任职几个月。
而且，他比罗歇估计的要年轻，大概只有 28 岁。
人们不禁要问，一个经验如此匮乏的人是如何被选中执行如此艰巨的任务的。
诚然，阿什阿什并不是公共生活的新手；他在父亲身边度过了成长的岁月，在城镇和宫廷的微妙政治中见习。
3º 但比他的背景和能力更重要的是他的巨额财富，这使他能够自己承担使馆的费用。
这似乎是决定性的因素，阿什阿什被认为是一个幸运的选择：
高贵、精通公共事务、拥有私人财富，可以减轻马赫赞的大部分使团费用。
3"

 

苏丹在任命阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什阿什的信中还指示他如何准备这次旅行：

Our most excellent servant, Hajj 'Abd al-Qadir Ashash, may God grant you success, may peace be upon you along with the blessings and mercy of the Most High. The request has been made repeatedly that we send an ambassador to the land of the French as a demonstration of the truce between us. We asked your father, God have mercy upon him, when he was alive, and he agreed, saying that if another were [chosen] it would be necessary to provide for him, but if he were to go, nothing more would be needed. No ambassador was sent at that time because of our situation with the French. However, today the need is greater than ever, and God advises us to send you as ambassador to Paris.

 

我们最优秀的仆人，朝觐者阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什什，愿真主赐予你成功，愿和平与至高者的祝福和仁慈同在。
我们曾多次请求向法国派遣一名大使，以表明我们之间的休战。
我们曾在你父亲（愿主怜悯之）在世时问过他，他同意了，并说如果[选择]另一个人，就有必要为他提供帮助，但如果他去了，就不再需要什么了。
由于我们与法国的关系，当时没有派遣大使。
然而，今天的需求比以往任何时候都大，上帝建议我们派你作为大使前往巴黎。

We judge you worthy of this mission because of your high rank and position, and your knowledge of rules and proper decorum. With the arrival of this letter, you should begin to prepare by choosing those who will accompany you. They should be men of intelligence, virtue, and piety, who are acquainted with the ways of other peoples. You should also take an 'alim to attend to religious matters such as prayers and reading from the Koran, for the French examine Muslims closely about the mysteries of their beliefs both in general and Jin particular.

 

我们认为你有资格承担这一使命，因为你的级别和职位很高，而且你懂得规矩和礼仪。
此信一到，您就应该开始准备，挑选随行人员。
他们应该是智慧、美德和虔诚的人，熟悉其他民族的生活方式。
您还应该带一名 "ʿAlīm "来处理宗教事务，如祈祷和诵读《古兰经》，因为法国人会仔细研究穆斯林的一般信仰和特殊信仰的奥秘。

@@@阿里姆（或ʿAlīm عليم，也被英语化为Aleem ）是伊斯兰教中真主的名字之一，意为“全知者”。它也可用作个人名字，是Abdul Alim的简称，意为“全知者的仆人”。

 

In order that you may all leave together, you should begin to prepare now. Ten days before the festival of 'Id al-Fitr, 35 come to our presence and spend it here. Then you may leave on your mission, taking with you the gifts we have readied for them, such as lions and the like.

 

为了让你们能一起离开，你们现在就应该开始准备。
在开斋节的前十天，35 人到我们这里来过节。
然后，你们就可以带着我们为他们准备的礼物，如狮子等，出发去执行任务了。

This is not a difficult mission, for you are not required to bind or loosen a contract, but are merely charged with delivering a letter and returning with a response, if God is willing, and it is He who will recompense you. Peace. 36

 

这并不是一项艰巨的任务，因为你们不需要签订合同或解除合同，而只是负责送一封信，然后带着回信返回，如果真主愿意，他将报答你们。
平安。
36

 

It had taken nearly a year from the time the embassy was first proposed to the moment when Ash'ash and his suite were ready to depart. As the time drew near, Roches's confidence that his diplomacy was succeeding grew. Elated with his success, he wrote that "a revolution is taking place at the court. This revolution is entirely in our favor, and we are at the point of establishing the influence of France over that of all other nations, if we know how to profit from it."37

 

从最初提议建立使馆到阿什阿什一行人准备启程，用了将近一年的时间。
随着时间的临近，Roches对自己的外交取得成功越来越有信心。
他欣喜地写道：
"宫廷里正在发生一场革命。
这场革命对我们完全有利，如果我们知道如何从中获益，法国的影响力将超越所有其他国家。

Plate 2. Portrait of the Ambassador, Hajj Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh.

图 2. 大使 Hajj Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh 的肖像。

NOTES：

17. For mention of Ibn Idris's library see ibid., p. 215 n. 63. On atTahțāwī, see note 132 below.

 

18. AAE/MDM 9/370, de La Rue to Ibn Idris, 22 March 1845.

 

19. AAE/CPM 14/119-22, Roches to Guizot, 24 August 1845. Abū Silhām b. 'Alī Azțūt, governor of Tangier and Larache (popularly known as Bū Silhām), was the Sultan's representative to the European consuls resident in Tangier. Foreign relations were conducted through Makhzan officials residing in the North, who acted as go-betweens to shield the Sultan and the court from excessive contact with foreigners.

 

20. Roches began his career with the French army in Algeria in 1832, and in 1837, during a period of truce, became 'Abd al-Qadir's personal secretary, taking the Arabic name 'Umar b. ar-Rūsh. In 1839 he rejoined Gen. Bugeaud's staff and played a key role in the embassy of Ash'ash, accompanying the group to Paris. AAE, Personal Dossier, "Léon Roches"; M. Emerit, "La légende de Léon Roches," Revue africaine 91, 410-11 (1947): 81-105. Roches's memoir Trente-deux ans à travers l'Islam, 2 vols. (Paris, 1884-87), does not cover this period.

 

21. Muhammad Ibn Idris (1794-1847), First Minister to Sultan Mulay 'Abd ar-Rahman, was a poet and statesman of extraordinary ability. Originally staunchly anti-European, after Isly his attitude changed and he favored the sending of an embassy to France. See Näşir al-Fāsī, "Muhammad Ibn Idris, wazir Mulay Abd ar-Rahman wa-sha'iruhu," Al-bahth al-'ilmi 1 (January-April 1964): 157-80.

 

22. AAE/CPM 14/182, Roches to Ibn Idris, 12 September 1845. On the

 

political debate within France over the Algerian war, see F. P. G. Guizot,

 

France under Louis-Philippe, 1841-1847 (London, 1865), pp. 117, 130.

 

23. AAE/CPM 14/182, Roches to Ibn Idris, 12 September 1845.

 

24. AAE/CPM 14/152-53, Roches to Gen. de La Morcière, 3 September 1845. The Sultan wrote to Bü Silham that the purpose of the embassy was "to demonstrate far and wide that [our] differences were over and we have returned to our former situation." He also wanted to "cancel the clause regarding 'Abd al-Qadir," and "most important, obtain the release of Muslim captives in the hands of the enemy." This last objective is not mentioned in the French sources. DAR 17561, 22 Jumādā ath-Thānī 1261/28 June 1845.

 

25. The conditions under which travel to the non-Muslim world should take place were a matter of concern to devout Muslims. Islamic doctrine taught that travel should be toward the community of believers, not away from it. The essential meaning of hijra, "migration," was movement away from där al-kufr, the territory of the disbelievers, to dar al-islam, the house of Islam. Thus travel to the West was inherently problematic, and a point of discussion among the ulema. See Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, eds., Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990), and especially the essay by Muhammad Khalid Masud, "The Obligation to Migrate: The Doctrine of Hijra in Islamic Law," pp. 29-49. In the same volume, Moroccan travel is treated by Abderrahmane El Moudden in "The Ambivalence of Rihla(旅行): Community Integration and Self-definition in Moroccan Travel Accounts, 1300-1800," pp. 69-84. For more on this subject, see Laroui, Origines, pp. 320-21; M. El-Mansour, "Moroccan Perceptions of European Civilisation in the Nineteenth Century," in Morocco and Europe, ed. George Joffé, Center of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Occasional Paper 7 (London, 1989), pp. 37-45; and A. al-Qadūrī, "Şuwar 'an Urübbā min khilal thalātha rihlät maghribiya wa-ba'd al-murāsilāt ar-rasmiya," Majallat kulliyat al-ādāb wal-'ulüm alinsaniya 15 (1989-90): 45-66. The ulema of Fes opposed contact with nonMuslims at any level, which led to conflicts with local merchants eager to conduct overseas trade. N. Cigar, "Socio-economic Structures and the Development of an Urban Bourgeoisie in Pre-colonial Morocco," Maghreb Review 6, 3-4 (May-August 1981): 67. For treatment of this issue in aşŞaffar's account, see p. 76.

 

26. AAE/CPM 14/83-84, de Chasteau to Guizot, 3 August 1845. Initially Mustafa Dukkālī and Ahmad Timsimānī, both merchants with extensive foreign connections, were mentioned by the French as candidates. However, this was not the Sultan's intention. According to a letter in the Royal Archives, he preferred an envoy who was "knowledgable about Makhzan affairs and not a merchant." DAR 17571, Ibn Idris to Bü Silhām, 14 Rajab 1261/19 July 1845.

27. AAE/CPM 14/106-7, Roches to Bü Silhām, 10 August 1845.

 

28. AAE/CPM 14/253-54, Roches to Guizot, 20 October 1845. The Sultan chose Ash'ash because of his "polish, his good sense, and his excellent family." Sultan to Bü Silham, #18 Shawwal 1261/20 October 1845.

29. TT 3:276-94 describes the rule of Muhammad Ash'äsh over Tetuan.

 

30. He was not highly literate, however, corroborating Laroui's claim that Moroccan ambassadors sent abroad were often "uncultivated." Origines, p. 215. An undated note in his awkward hand is found in AAE/ ADM/ "Voyage de Sidi Aschasch, Pacha de Tetouan, 1845" (noted hereafter as AAE/ADM/Voyage).

 

31. AAE/CPM 14/253-54, Roches to Guizot, 20 October 1845. Roches wrote: "The proposal that he made to bear all the expenses of the embassy decided the Sultan in his favor." His father had already promised the Sultan that if he were chosen as ambassador, he would bear all the costs of the embassy. DAR 10794, Mulay Abd ar-Rahman to 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash, 18 Ramadan 1261/20 September 1845.

32. Hajj is the title given to someone who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca.

 

33. A reference to the elder Ash'äsh's willingness to pay the costs of the journey.

 

34. A learned man (plural ulema). For portraits of the type in the Moroccan context, see E. Burke III, "The Moroccan Ulama, 1860-1912: An Introduction," and K. Brown, "Profile of a Nineteenth-century Moroccan Scholar," both in Scholars, Saints, and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500, ed. Nikki R. Keddie (Berkeley, 1972), pp. 93125, 127-48.

 

35. The holiday of the "breaking of the fast" at the end of Ramadan, the Muslim month of fasting.

 

36. DAR 17564, Sultan to 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash, 4 Ramadan 1261/6 September 1845.

 

37. AAE/CPM 15/169-76, Roches to de Chasteau, 5 November 1845 [?], marked "confidential." See also J. Caillé, Une mission de Léon Roches à Rabat en 1845 (Casablanca, 1947).

 

註解：

17. 关于伊本-伊德里斯图书馆，见同上，第 215 页注 63。
关于 atTahțāwī，见下文注 132。

18. AAE/MDM 9/370，de La Rue 致伊本-伊德里斯，1845 年 3 月 22 日。

19. AAE/CPM 14/119-22，Roches 致 Guizot，1845 年 8 月 24 日。
丹吉尔和拉腊什总督 Abū Silhām b. 'Alī Azțūt（俗称 BūSilhām）是苏丹驻丹吉尔欧洲领事的代表。
对外关系通过居住在北方的马赫赞官员进行，他们充当中间人，保护苏丹和宫廷不与外国人过多接触。

20. 1832 年，罗歇在阿尔及利亚的法国军队中开始了他的职业生涯，1837 年，在休战期间，他成为阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔的私人秘书，阿拉伯语名为 "Umar b. ar-Rūsh"。
1839 年，他重新加入布热奥（Bugeaud）将军的参谋部，并在阿什什（Ash'ash）使团中扮演了重要角色，陪同使团前往巴黎。
AAE，个人档案，"Léon Roches"；M. Emerit，"La légende de Léon Roches"，Revue africaine 91，410-11（1947 年）：
 81-105. Roches的回忆录《穿越伊斯兰的二十年》（Trente-deux ans à travers l'Islam），2 卷（巴黎，1884-187 年），没有涉及这一时期。

21. 穆罕默德-伊本-伊德里斯（Muhammad Ibn Idris，1794-1847 年），苏丹穆莱-阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼的首席大臣，是一位才华横溢的诗人和政治家。
他最初坚定地反对欧洲，但在伊斯利之后，他的态度发生了变化，并支持向法国派遣大使馆。
见 Näşir al-Fāsī，"Muhammad Ibn Idris, wazir Mulay Abd ar-Rahman wa-sha'iruhu，" Al-bahth al-'ilmi 1（1964 年 1-4 月）：
 157-80.

 

22. AAE/CPM 14/182，罗什致伊本-伊德里斯，1845 年 9 月 12 日。
关于

 

关于法国国内对阿尔及利亚战争的政治辩论，见 F. P. G. Guizot、

 

路易-菲利普统治下的法国，1841-1847 年》（伦敦，1865 年），第 117 和 130 页。

23. AAE/CPM 14/182，罗歇致伊本-伊德里斯，1845 年 9 月 12 日。

24. AAE/CPM 14/152-53, Roches 致 de La Morcière 将军，1845 年 9 月 3 日。
苏丹在写给 Bü Silham 的信中说，使馆的目的是 "向远方表明，[我们的]分歧已经结束，我们已经恢复到以前的状态"。
他还希望 "取消有关阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔的条款"，"最重要的是，争取释放敌人手中的穆斯林俘虏"。
最后一个目标在法国的资料中没有提及。
DAR 17561，22 Jumādā ath-Thānī 1261/28 June 1845。

25. 虔诚的穆斯林非常关注前往非穆斯林世界旅行的条件。
伊斯兰教义教导人们，旅行的目的地应该是信徒的社区，而不是远离社区。
迁徙"（hijra）的基本含义是离开不信教者的领地 där al-kufr，前往伊斯兰教的家园 dar al-islam。
因此，前往西方本身就是一个问题，也是乌里玛讨论的焦点。
见 Dale F. Eickelman 和 James Piscatori 编著的《穆斯林旅行者》：
 朝圣、迁徙和宗教想象》（伯克利和洛杉矶，1990 年），尤其是穆罕默德-哈立德-马苏德的文章《迁徙的义务》：
 Muhammad Khalid Masud 的论文 "The Obligation to Migrate: The Doctrine of Hijra in Islamic Law"，第 29-49 页。
在同一卷中，Abderrahmane El Moudden 在 "The Ambivalence of Rihla(旅行)：
 The Ambivalence of Rihla(旅行): Community Integration and Self-definition in Moroccan Travel Accounts, 1300-1800," 第 69-84 页。
有关这一主题的更多信息，请参阅 Laroui, Origines, 第 320-21 页；M. El-Mansour，"19 世纪摩洛哥人对欧洲文明的看法"，载于《摩洛哥与欧洲》，George Joffé 编辑，近东文化中心，第 1 卷，第 1 页。
George Joffé，伦敦大学亚非学院近东和中东研究中心，不定期论文 7（伦敦，1989 年），第 37-45 页；以及 A. al-Qadūrī，"Şuwar 'an Urübbā min khilal thalātha rihlät maghribiya wa-ba'd al-murāsilāt ar-rasmiya，"Majallat kulliyat al-ādāb wal-'ulüm alinsaniya 15（1989-90）：
 45-66. 菲斯的乌里玛反对在任何层面上与非穆斯林接触，这导致了他们与渴望开展海外贸易的当地商人之间的冲突。
N. Cigar，"前殖民时期摩洛哥的社会经济结构和城市资产阶级的发展"，《马格里布评论》6，3-4（1981 年 5-8 月）：
 67. 关于 aşŞaffar 对这一问题的论述，见第 76 页。

26. AAE/CPM 14/83-84，de Chasteau 致吉佐，1845 年 8 月 3 日。
最初，法国人提到穆斯塔法-杜卡里和艾哈迈德-蒂姆西马尼作为候选人，他们都是与外国有广泛联系的商人。
然而，这并非苏丹的本意。
根据皇家档案馆的一封信，他更喜欢 "了解马赫赞事务而不是商人 "的特使。
DAR 17571，伊本-伊德里斯致布-西尔哈姆，1261 年 7 月 14 日/1845 年 7 月 19 日。

27. AAE/CPM 14/106-7，Roches 致 Bü Silhām，1845 年 8 月 10 日。

28. AAE/CPM 14/253-54, Roches 致 Guizot，1845 年 10 月 20 日。
苏丹选择 Ash'ash 的原因是他 "彬彬有礼、知书达理、家世显赫"。
苏丹致 Bü Silham，#18 Shawwal 1261，1845 年 10 月 20 日。

29. TT 3:276-94 描述了 Muhammad Ash'äsh 对Tetuan的统治。

30. 然而，他的识字率并不高，这印证了 Laroui 的说法，即摩洛哥派往国外的大使往往 "没有文化"。
Origines，第 215 页。
在 AAE/ADM/"Voyage de Sidi Aschasch, Pacha de Tetouan, 1845 "中发现了他用笨拙的笔迹书写的一张未注明日期的便条（此处之后注明为 AAE/ADM/Voyage）。

31. AAE/CPM 14/253-54，罗歇致吉佐，1845 年 10 月 20 日。
罗歇写道：
"他提出的承担使馆所有费用的建议让苏丹决定支持他。
他的父亲已经向苏丹承诺，如果他被选为大使，他将承担使馆的所有费用。
DAR 10794，Mulay Abd ar-Rahman 致 Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash，1261 年斋月 18 日，1845 年 9 月 20 日。

32. 朝觐是对前往麦加朝圣者的称谓。

33. 指年长的 Ash'äsh 愿意支付旅费。

34. 有学问的人（复数为 ulema）。
有关摩洛哥背景下的此类人物肖像，请参阅 E. Burke III，"The Moroccan Ulama, 1860-1912：
 和 K. Brown，"Profile of a Nineteenth-century Moroccan Scholar"，均收录于《Scholars, Saints, and Sufis：
 Scholars, Saints, and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500》，Nikki R. Keddie 编辑。
Nikki R. Keddie (Berkeley, 1972), pp.

 

35. 穆斯林斋月结束时的 "开斋 "节。

36. DAR 17564，苏丹致 Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash，1261 年斋月 4 日/1845 年 9 月 6 日。

37. AAE/CPM 15/169-76，Roches 致 de Chasteau，1845 年 11 月 5 日[？]，标明 “机密”。
另见 J. Caillé，Une mission de Léon Roches à Rabat en 1845（卡萨布兰卡，1947 年）。

1-3The Météore

1-3梅泰奥雷号

 

The first week of November 1845, the steamer that was to take the mission to France arrived in Tangier. Originally equipped as a hospital ship, the Météore had seen continual service in the Algerian campaign, carrying fresh troops from Toulon to Oran and returning home with a load of sick and wounded. The French Consul made a tour of inspection and wrote an indignant letter to Foreign Minister Guizot in Paris. The ship was too small, he complained, and its commandant, Lieutenant Geoffroy, was a "subaltern"; both were inadequate for the mission. But grander vessels were in short supply because of the war, and nothing could be done. Roches set out for Gibraltar on a shopping trip to outfit the Météore properly. There he bought linens, furniture, hangings, and rugs to decorate the ambassador's suite in "oriental" style, with low tables and rugs on the floor. Despite their small size, it was reported that the apartments were made comfortable and pleasing. 39

 

1845 年 11 月的第一个星期，运送使团前往法国的汽船抵达丹吉尔。
梅泰奥雷号最初是一艘医院船，在阿尔及利亚战役中一直服役，从土伦Toulon运送新兵到奥兰Oran，然后载着伤病员返航。
法国领事进行了一次巡视，并给巴黎的外交部长吉佐（Guizot）写了一封愤慨的信。
他抱怨说，这艘船太小了，指挥官杰弗里（Geoffroy）中尉也只是个 “次官”，两者都不足以完成任务。
但由于战争，更大型的船只供不应求，没有办法。
为了给 “梅特奥雷 ”号配备合适的装备，Roches前往直布罗陀购物。
他在那里购买了亚麻布、家具、挂饰和地毯，用矮桌和地毯将大使套房装饰成 “东方 ”风格。
尽管面积不大，但据说房间布置得舒适宜人。
39

 

Early in December 1845, the small group of Frenchmen who would accompany the Moroccan embassy to France assembled in Tangier. Their leader was Léon Roches, and with him was Auguste Beaumier, "a young man full of intelligence who speaks a bit of Arabic," who was secretary to de Chasteau. They left Tangier by sea on December 6th and reached Tetuan later the same day. On entering the town, they found the streets and rooftops jammed with curious onlookers. Ash'ash awaited them in the garden of his residence, and favorably impressed the French party with his appearance. "His smile is agreeable and his manners distinguished; I think that the government of the King will be satisfied with the ambassador," wrote de Chasteau. 41

 

1845 年 12 月初，摩洛哥驻法使团的一小队法国人在丹吉尔集合。
他们的领头人是莱昂-罗歇（Léon Roches），和他一起的还有奥古斯特-博米埃（Auguste Beaumier），“他是一个充满智慧的年轻人，会说一点阿拉伯语”，他是德-沙士图的秘书。
他们于 12 月 6 日从海上离开丹吉尔，并于当天晚些时候抵达德图安。
进城后，他们发现街道和屋顶上挤满了好奇的围观者。
阿什阿什在自己住宅的花园里等着他们，他的出现给法国人留下了深刻印象。
“de Chasteau 写道：
"他笑容可掬，举止出众；我认为国王政府会对这位大使感到满意。41

 

It soon became apparent that the Moroccans would not be ready to leave until the next day. During the night a violent wind blew up, and the Météore had to put to sea to ride out the storm. The bad weather prevented its return for several days. Finally, the morning of December 13th, the Moroccan suite assembled on shore and Commandant Goeffroy sent his longboats to fetch them. The landing craft were "invaded by a horde of Moroccans who positively wanted to come on board," Goeffroy wrote in his journal. Meanwhile, others took touching leave of the ambassador: "One person kissed his robe, another his shoulder, while a third kissed his hands." With the Moroccans on board, the Météore weighed anchor. The entire first day, the ambassador and his party stood on the bridge gazing out to sea in quiet contemplation."

 

很快，摩洛哥人显然要到第二天才能离开。
当晚，狂风大作，“Météore ”号不得不出海躲避风暴。
恶劣的天气让它好几天无法返航。
最后，12 月 13 日上午，摩洛哥人在岸上集合，戈弗罗伊司令派长艇去接他们。
戈弗罗伊在日记中写道：
"陆地上的船只被一群摩洛哥人包围，他们强烈要求上船。
与此同时，其他人则向大使致以感人的告别：
 “一个人亲吻他的长袍，另一个人亲吻他的肩膀，第三个人亲吻他的双手"。
摩洛哥人上船后，“梅泰尔 ”号起锚了。
“整个第一天，大使一行都站在舰桥上，静静地望着大海沉思”。

The passenger list of the Météore for this journey indicates that in addition to the ambassador, the Moroccan group included his father-in-law, Muhammad al-Libādī, an older gentleman who suffered severely from seasickness. Ash'ash showed great concern for his comfort throughout the journey. Then there was Ash'ash's brother-in-law, Hajj al-'Arabī al-'Attar, according to Goeffroy "a charming and gay fellow, forty to forty-two years old," who spoke Spanish and seemed to understand French. He had already made several trips to Gibraltar in addition to a pilgrimage to the Holy Places. The third person in the inner circle was Muhammad aş-Şaffar, the "savant," aged about thirty-five. To Commandant Goeffroy, aş-Şaffär seemed "very reserved and much less affable than the others." Only these three had the privilege of taking meals with the ambassador. A fourth person, Ahmad al-'Ayat, was described as "the chief officer of the Ambassador's household." He was not allowed at the ambassador's table, but shared his apartment. In addition, there were nine Moroccan soldiers who accompanied them as servants, 43

 

Météore 号这次旅行的乘客名单显示，除大使外，摩洛哥人还包括他的岳父 Muhammad al-Libādī，一位严重晕船的老先生。
在整个旅途中，阿什什都非常关心他的舒适度。
还有阿什阿什的妹夫哈吉-阿拉比-阿塔尔，据戈弗罗伊说，他 “是个迷人的同性恋者，四十到四十二岁”，会说西班牙语，似乎还懂法语。
除了去圣地朝圣外，他还多次前往直布罗陀。
内圈中的第三个人是穆罕默德-阿斯-沙夫-法尔（Muhammad aş-Şaf-far），他是个 “明白人”，大约三十五岁。
在戈弗罗伊司令看来，阿什-沙法尔 “非常拘谨，远不如其他人那么和蔼可亲”。
只有这三人有幸与大使共进晚餐。
第四个人是艾哈迈德-阿亚特（Ahmad al-'Ayat），被描述为 “大使家的首席官员”。
他并不与大使同桌，而是与大使同住一室。
此外，还有九名摩洛哥士兵作为仆人陪同他们。

Once the initial strangeness had passed, life at sea settled into a routine. At mealtimes, Ash'ash and his intimates shared the captain's table. Commandant Goeffroy planned adequate stores for his guests, but Ash'ash had seen to his own provisioning: "Two bulls, forty sheep, six hundred chickens eggs, vegetables, apples, and raisins in great profusion" had been put on board the Météore in Tetuan. Moreover, the Moroccans showed little enthusiasm for French cuisine, preferring instead to prepare their own,especially the famous dish called couscous, which they cannot do without and which is served to them every evening. They are very religious and rigorous observers of the Koran. They never drink wine, but do not appear scandalized when we take it in front of them, and perhaps would not be ill-disposed to give it a try... Someone once joked with the savant, saying that with all his knowledge, he should find a verse in the Koran that permits drinking."

 

最初的陌生感过去后，海上生活便进入了常规。
用餐时，阿什阿什和他的亲信们共享船长的餐桌。
戈弗罗伊司令为他的客人准备了充足的食物，但阿什阿什自己也有自己的食物：
 “两头公牛、40 只绵羊、600 只鸡、鸡蛋、蔬菜、苹果和大量葡萄干 "已被送上位于德图安岛的 Météore 号。
此外，摩洛哥人对法国菜并不热衷，他们更喜欢做自己的菜，尤其是著名的库斯库斯（Couscous）菜，他们离不开这道菜，每天晚上都要吃这道菜。
他们非常虔诚，严格遵守《古兰经》。
他们从不喝酒，但当我们在他们面前喝酒时，他们并不感到羞愧，或许他们也会尝试一下...... 有人曾跟这位专家开玩笑说，以他的学识，应该能在《古兰经》中找到允许喝酒的经文。

Apart from meals, there was little else to do. Trying his best to make the voyage pleasant, Goeffroy planned nightly entertainments such as fireworks to amuse his guests. By December 17th the coast of France had been reached, and on the 19th they arrived in Marseille, where they rested before leaving for Paris. The ambassador and his suite were invited to visit the city but Ash'ash refused, insisting on departing for the capital without delay. His reluctance to engage in tourism puzzled his French hosts, who had set notions about how "oriental" visitors should behave. One of the Frenchmen explained the ambassador's strange attitude as yet another manifestation of Muslim religious zeal: "Like all Muslims, he understands that his first duty on arriving in a country is to present himself to the sovereign, who is, in their eyes, the unique and absolute master of his subjects."43

 

除了吃饭，他几乎无事可做。
戈弗罗伊尽力让航行变得愉快，他计划每晚放烟花等娱乐活动来逗客人开心。
12 月 17 日，他们到达了法国海岸，19 日抵达马赛，在那里休整后前往巴黎。
大使和他的随从被邀请参观巴黎，但阿什阿什拒绝了，他坚持立即启程前往首都。
他不愿意参加旅游活动，这让法国主人感到困惑，因为他们对 “东方 ”游客的行为有一套固定的观念。
其中一位法国人解释说，大使的奇怪态度是穆斯林宗教热情的另一种表现：
 “和所有穆斯林一样，他明白自己到达一个国家的首要职责是向君主报到，在他们眼中，君主是臣民独一无二的绝对主人。

They left Marseille on December 21st, traveling overland by coach along the route northward through the valley of the Rhône, and on the 27th they arrived in Orléans, where they spent the night before entering Paris. The next morning, the fifteenth since their departure from Tetuan, they took a special train from Orléans to Paris, the first documented journey by rail made by Moroccans. Arriving in Paris at midday, they were taken directly to lodgings prepared for them at 66, avenue des Champs-Elysées.

 

他们于 12 月 21 日离开马赛，乘坐长途汽车沿隆河谷Rhône北上，27 日抵达奥尔良，在那里过夜后进入巴黎。
第二天早上，也就是他们离开Tetuan后的第 15 天，他们乘坐专列从奥尔良前往巴黎，这是摩洛哥人第一次有记录的铁路旅行。
中午抵达巴黎后，他们被直接送到香榭丽舍大街 66 号为他们预先准备好的住所。

Plate 3. The house of Governor Ash'ash at the port of Martil. Watercolor by Lt. Bellaire. Angus collection, Old American Legation, Tangier

圖 3. 總督 Ash'ash 在 Martil 港口的房子。
Bellaire 中校的水彩畫。
安格斯收藏，丹吉爾舊美國公使館

NOTES：

38. AAE/CPM 15/52-55, de Chasteau to Guizot, 5 November 1845.

 

39. AAE/CPM 15/68-69, Roches to Guizot, 13 November 1845; AN/ MM/BB4-642, 1846, "Missions particulières, Météore, Mission à Tanger," report of Commandant Goeffroy (unpaged). Aş-Şaffar's impressions of the sea voyage are found on pp. 85-86; see illustration, p. 80.

 

40. Born in 1822 in Marseille, he studied Arabic and became the private secretary of the French consul de Chasteau in 1839. After the embassy, he spent most of his diplomatic career in Morocco, serving as vice-consul in Rabat and consul in Mogador, where he died in 1876. He had scholarly interests (see AAE/MDM 4/209-22), wrote articles for the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, and translated into French the Al-anis al-mutrib bi-rawd al-qirtās by Ibn Abi Zar' (d. 1325), a history of Fes. AAE, Personal Dossier, "Beaumier." See also J. Caillé, "Auguste Beaumier: Consul de France au Maroc," Hesp. 37 (1950): 53-95. 41. AAE/CPM 15/189-93, de Chasteau to Guizot, 12 December 1845.

 

42. AN/MM/BB4-642, report of Goeffroy. APT/2C201/Journal du bord, Météore, 13 December 1845.

 

43. They were, according to the quaint spelling of the passenger list of the Météore: Abbou el-Aattitar, Ahmad el-Zghal, Hajj Ahmed el-Yakoubi, el-Tahir Brioul, Abu el-Salem el-Amri, Mohammed el-Kerassi, Hadj Abd el-Rahman Choulon, Mohammed Elou el-Dressi, and Mohammed Mokhtar, the last-named designated as an "interpreter." APT/IC 2754/1845,

Météore, Rôle d'equipage, "passagers à la table du commandant."

 

44. AN/MM/BB4-642, report of Goeffroy.

45. AAE/CPM 15/215-16, Pourcet to Guizot, 19 December 1845. Compare with the seventeenth-century Moroccan voyager to Spain, the Wazir al-Ghassani, who refused invitations to rest before he reached "the city to which we are going and the king to whom we are sent." Rihla(旅行)t alWazir fi iftikak al-asir, trans. and ed. A. Bustani (Tangier, 1940), p. 9. References are to the Arabic text.

 

註解：

38. AAE/CPM 15/52-55，de Chasteau 致 Guizot，1845 年 11 月 5 日。

39. AAE/CPM 15/68-69，Roches 致 Guizot，1845 年 11 月 13 日；AN/ MM/BB4-642，1846 年，「Missions particulières，Météore，Mission à Tanger，」Goeffroy 指挥官的报告（未分页）。
Aş-Şaffar 對海上航行的印象見第 85-86 頁；見插圖，第 80 頁。

40. 1822 年出生于马赛，学习阿拉伯语，1839 年成为法国领事 de Chasteau 的私人秘书。
在大使館工作後，他大部分的外交生涯都在摩洛哥渡過，曾任拉巴特副領事和摩加多領事，並於 1876 年在摩加多逝世。
他對學術有興趣 (見 AAE/MDM 4/209-22)，曾為《地理學會通訊》撰寫文章，並將 Ibn Abi Zar' (d. 1325) 所著的 Al-anis al-mutrib bi-rawd al-qirtās（費斯史）翻譯成法文。
AAE，個人檔案，「Beaumier」。
另請參閱 J. Caillé，"Auguste Beaumier：
 37 (1950)：
 53-95. 41. AAE/CPM 15/189-93，de Chasteau 致 Guizot，1845 年 12 月 12 日。

42. AN/MM/BB4-642，Goeffroy 的報告。
APT/2C201/Journal du bord，Météore，1845 年 12 月 13 日。

43. 根據 Météore 號乘客名單的古舊拼法，他們是 Abbou el-Aattitar、Ahmad el-Zghal、Hajj Ahmed el-Yakoubi、el-Tahir Brioul、Abu el-Salem el-Amri、Mohammed el-Kerassi、Hadj Abd el-Rahman Choulon、Mohammed Elou el-Dressi，以及 Mohammed Mokh-tar，最後一人被指定為 「口譯員」。
APT/IC 2754/1845、

Météore，Rôle d'equipage，「passagers à la table du commandant」。

44. AN/MM/BB4-642，Goeffroy 的報告。

45. AAE/CPM 15/215-16，Pourcet 致 Guizot，1845 年 12 月 19 日。
與十七世紀前往西班牙的摩洛哥航海家 Wazir al-Ghassani 相比，他在抵達「我們要去的城市和我們被派去的國王」之前，拒絕了休息的邀請。
Rihla(旅行)t alWazir fi iftikak al-asir, trans. A. Bustani (Tangier, 1940), p. 9。
參考阿拉伯文本。

1-4Seeing Paris.

1-4游览巴黎。

Paris in the 1840s had the air of the grande dame of Europe. London may have been the financial capital of the world, but Paris was its cultural epicenter, exuding the self-confidence of a beauty come of age. Her domain was style, and she reveled in her preeminent position as its arbiter and judge. The swarms of visitors who came to see her industry, art, fashions, and luxury reminded Parisians of the degree of progress that French society had attained.

 

19 世紀 40 年代的巴黎充滿歐洲貴婦的氣質。
倫敦可能是世界金融之都，但巴黎卻是其文化中心，散發著美麗時代的自信。
她的領域是風格，她陶醉於自己作為風格仲裁者和評判者的卓越地位。
大批遊客前來參觀她的工業、藝術、時裝和奢侈品，提醒巴黎人法國社會已達到的進步程度。

Yet the arrival of the Moroccan embassy in Paris captivated even the most jaded Parisians, used to the appearance of foreign potentates. There was a special aura about the envoy from the Sultan, relating to the peculiar place of Morocco in the popular imagination ---a country so close geographically yet so distant in manners and mentality that "a Moroccan looks quite like a Chinese." And there was the graceful and striking figure of the ambassador himself, which conjured up visions of adventure and romance. "The envoy from Morocco has caught... the imagination of Paris. Everything about him recalls the court of the Moorish kings of Granada and the brilliant Abencerages of whom he is a descendent."47

 

然而，摩洛哥大使館抵達巴黎後，即使是最厭倦的巴黎人也被吸引住了，因為他們已經習慣了外國勢力的出現。
來自蘇丹的使節身上有一種特殊的光環，這與摩洛哥在大眾想像中的特殊地位有關--這個國家在地理上如此接近，但在禮儀和心態上卻如此遙遠，以至於 「摩洛哥人看起來很像中國人」。
大使本人優雅而引人注目的身影，讓人聯想到冒險和浪漫。
「摩洛哥大使吸引了......巴黎的想像力。
他的一切都讓人想起格拉納達摩爾人國王的宮廷，以及他的後裔--傑出的阿本賽人 "47。

Details of his dress were noted, from the stuff of his headcloth to the shape of his slippers:

 

我們注意到他穿著的細節，從頭巾的質料到拖鞋的形狀：

The Ambassador is a young man of twenty-eight years; his form is pleasing and regular, his features fine, his eyes kind and expressive. His hands are small and beautifully shaped. He wears a sarbouch, pointed at the end, around which is wound a turban of fine muslin. His head is encircled by a scarf of red cashmere. . Over several short jackets he wears a [garment]... with wide, floating sleeves. This is the jellaba, the national dress of Morocco. A belt secures the jellaba around him. When the Pasha goes out, he puts on two more burnooses, 49 one of wool and the other of a heavy gray material. He wears lovely hose of white silk, and yellow babouchesso which he always wears with the backs pushed down.5

 

大使是一位 28 歲的年輕男子；他的身形優美而規整，五官端正，眼睛和善而富有表情。
他的手很小，形狀優美。
他戴著一頂末端尖尖的薩爾布袋，裡面纏繞著一條細紗頭巾。
他的頭上圍著一圈紅色羊絨圍巾。
他在幾件短外套外面穿著一件 [衣服]......，袖子又寬又飄逸。
這是摩洛哥的國服 jellaba。
一條腰帶將 Jellaba 固定在他身上。
當 Pasha 出門時，他會再穿上兩件外套，49 一件是羊毛的，另一件是厚重的灰色袍子。
他穿著可愛的白色絲綢軟管和黃色的 babouchesso，他總是把背朝下穿著。

Shortly after their arrival, L'Illustration printed a series of sketches of the ambassador and his suite. Now visual images reinforced the picturesque prose, as Paris threw itself headlong into making the Moroccans the chief attraction of the winter social season. Invitations to balls, charitable events and "spectacles," requests for money, gifts and offerings of poetry, even letters of advice and caution flowed in. Auguste Beaumier, the young secretary assigned to the delegation, struggled to keep the ambassador's household running smoothly and his social schedule in order. Here is Beaumier's description of a typical day, 17 January 1846:

 

在他們抵達後不久，L'Illustration 印刷了一系列大使及其賓客的素描。
現在，視覺形象取代了如詩如畫的散文，巴黎全力以赴，讓摩洛哥人成為冬季社交活動的主要亮點。
邀請參加舞會、慈善活動和 「盛會」、索要金錢、贈送禮物和贈送詩歌，甚至是勸告和警告的信件都源源不絕。
被指派給代表團的年輕秘書 Auguste Beaumier 奮力維持大使的家務運作順暢和社交日程井然有序。
以下是 Beaumier 對 1846 年 1 月 17 日典型一天的描述：

Some petitioners awaken me at eight, after which I respond to a score of letters addressed to the ambassador of Morocco, which must be answered politely.. Then a dozen valets arrive for the orders of the day, and I do the accounts of the previous day. Following that, a visit to the ambassador and his suite, and a general review to see that all is well: who is in need of a doctor, a barber, or a bath. Then everyone is called to lunch, while I act as interpreter for the invited guests. After that, instructions to go directly to the Champ-de-Mars. Roches arrives in time to take charge of arranging the ambassador and his officers in the carriages. We cross Paris in the midst of a parade of the curious. Arriving at the Ecole Militaire, we go up onto a balcony. At three o'clock, we return with the ambassador and I write the necessary letters of thanks. Later, I go over the events planned for the evening, and give an accounting of the day's expenses, insofar as possible. Dinner next, two deadly hours but a firstclass meal-600 francs per day! I take some coffee, converse in Arabic for a time, take a carriage to the Théâtre-Italien. Return at midnight... and then to bed. 52

 

有些請願者在八點叫醒我，之後我要回幾封給摩洛哥大使的信，這些信必須禮貌地回答。
之後，一打男僕來領取當天的命令，而我則處理前一天的帳目。
接著是拜訪大使和他的套房，並檢查一切是否良好：
誰需要看醫生、理髮或洗澡。
然後叫大家去吃午飯，我則為受邀的客人擔任傳譯員。
之後，指示我們直接前往 戰神廣場Champ-de-Mars。
Roches 及時到達，負責安排大使和他的軍官上馬車。
我們在好奇者的遊行中穿越巴黎。
到達巴黎軍事學院（Ecole Mili-taire）後，我們走上陽台。
三點鐘，我們和大使一起回來，我寫了必要的感謝信。
之後，我複述了晚上計劃的活動，並盡可能交代了當天的開支。
接下來是晚餐，兩個死氣沉沉的小時，但卻是一等餐--每天 600 法郎！我喝了一些咖啡，用阿拉伯語談了一會兒，然後坐馬車去 Théâtre-Italien 劇院。
午夜返回......然後上床睡覺。
52

 

After six weeks of this hectic schedule, Beaumier expressed his longing "to return again to the tranquility of Tangier and my little room, for all my strength is gone."

 

這種忙碌的日程表持續了六個星期之後，Beaumier 表示他渴望「再次回到丹吉爾的寧靜和我的小房間，因為我所有的力量都消失了」。

The ambassador's first days in Paris were spent fulfilling his role as emissary. On December 30th he presented his credentials to the King at a ceremony at the Palace of the Tuileries, and delivered to him the letter from the Sultan. The letter dealt mainly with the question of 'Abd al-Qadir, asking for patience while the Sultan implemented a plan to eject him from Morocco. "By using policy to expel him, that is, causing the people to forsake and abandon him until he stands alone," the letter argues, "he will leave without further exhausting effort." The letter also criticized the new border arrangements with Algeria, and ended with a sharp protest against French incursions along Morocco's southern coast. 55

 

大使在巴黎的最初幾天都在履行使者的職責。
12 月 30 日，他在杜伊勒利宮（Palace of the Tuileries）舉行的儀式上向國王呈交了國書，並向他遞交了蘇丹的來函。
信中主要談到了 'Abd al-Qadir 的問題，在蘇丹實施將他逐出摩洛哥的計劃時，他請求蘇丹耐心等待。
信中說：
「透過使用政策來驅逐他，也就是讓人民拋棄和遺棄他，直到他獨自站立為止，」「他將不費吹灰之力就會離開」。
信中還批評了與阿爾及利亞的新邊界協定，並對法國入侵摩洛哥南部海岸提出了尖銳的抗議。
55

 

It took more than a month for Guizot to reply. In his letter, the Foreign Minister suggested that instead of reviewing old grievances, "it would be better to throw a veil of forgetfulness over the past."56 In his view, the purpose of Ash'ash's mission to Paris was to place the Moroccans on display, and nothing more. In his Mémoires Guizot glosses over the political aspects of the visit, representing it instead as a spectacle devoid of substance. Ash'ash was "a young Arab of agreeable person, serious, modest, and gentle, of mild and elegant manners, anxious to show himself scrupulously attached to his faith, respectful, with dignity, more concerned with obtaining a good reception for himself and the sovereign he represented than intent on any distinct political object." He was sent to Paris "as a demonstration of the friendly relations between France and Morocco."57

 

Guizot花了一個多月才回信。
56在他看來，Ash'ash訪問巴黎的目的是展示摩洛哥人，僅此而已。
Guizot 在他的《Mémoires》中輕描淡寫了這次訪問的政治層面，將其視為一次沒有實質內容的奇觀。
Ash'ash是 「一個年輕的阿拉伯人，為人和善、嚴肅、謙虛、溫柔，舉止溫和優雅，急於表明自己對信仰的堅持，恭敬而有尊嚴，更關心的是為自己和他所代表的君主爭取良好的接待，而不是任何明確的政治目的」。
他被派往巴黎是「為了展示法國與摩洛哥之間的友好關係」57。

Guizor's comment reveals how, in French eyes, the embassyce was made to fit in the framework of a European-centered view of events, in which the element of demonstrating French superiority was predominant. The courtesy of their Moroccan guests, indeed, their very presence, were taken as signs of France's success in pursuing a foreign policy whose purpose, in the words of Guizot, was "to secure the safety of our possessions in Africa." The visit had been a success, he felt, because it seemed to bring the Moroccans even closer to accepting France as a permanent feature in the region. His reading of the event prevailed, and the embassy has gone down in French history as one more charming episode of petite histoire, "collected" by colonialist historians as testimony to the "grandeur of France" and the inevitability of its rule in North Africa. 59

 

Guizor的評論揭示了在法國人眼中，使館是如何在以歐洲為中心的事件框架中被建立起來的，其中展示法國優勢的因素佔了主導地位。
摩洛哥客人的禮貌，甚至是他們的出現，都被視為法國成功推行外交政策的標誌，用吉佐（Guizot）的話來說，這項政策的目的是「確保我們在非洲屬地的安全」。
他認為，這次訪問是成功的，因為它似乎讓摩洛哥人更願意接受法國成為該地區的永久性特色。
他對這次事件的解讀佔了上風，而使館也被殖民主義史學家 「收藏 」起來，作為 「法國的偉大 」及其在北非統治的必然性的見證，成為法國歷史上又一個迷人的小插曲。
59

 

His political responsibilities completed, Ash'ash and his suite devoted themselves to enjoying Paris. Contrary to aş-Şaffar's claim that "we rarely ventured out," the Moroccans led a busy social life under the watchful eyes of their French hosts. Some invitations were refused because they were considered beneath the ambassador's rank: "We could have been commonplace by coming and going frequently," aş-Şaffar explains, "but we were opposed to that." Beaumier always replied with a note, and in many cases a token of the ambassador's generosity. Among Ash'ash's contributions were 5,000 francs "for the poor people of Paris .. whatever their religion may be." The press remarked on the ambassador's "princely generosity," calling him a "nabob" with "his hands filled with presents."

 

政治任務完成後，Ash'ash 和他的隨從們就專心享受巴黎的生活。
與 aş-Şaffar 所說的 「我們很少外出 」相反，摩洛哥人在法國主人的監視下過著繁忙的社交生活。
有些邀約被拒絕，因為他們被認為低於大使的等級：
「我們本可以經常來來去去，變得平凡，」aş-Şaffar 解釋說，「但我們反對這樣做」。
Beaumier 每次都會回信，而且在很多情況下都是大使慷慨解囊的信物。
在 Ash'ash 的捐款中，有 5,000 法郎是 「捐給巴黎的窮人......不管他們信仰什麼宗教」。
媒體評論大使的 「慷慨」，稱他為 「手握禮物 」的 「貴族」。

The most magnificent presents were for the King: Before leaving Paris, Ash'ash handed over six Arabian horses and a troop of wild animals at a ceremony at the Tuileries. The animals, destined for the Jardin des Plantes, included a lion, two ostriches, three gazelles, and a "mouton à manchettes," a variety of Barbary sheep hitherto unknown in Europe. The press had little difficulty in recasting the gift-giving in an Arabesque mode: "Once the descendents of Moorish kings brought diamonds and perfumes," commented L'Illustration. "Today the son of the desert bestows on us lions and gazelles. "60

 

最華麗的禮物是給國王的：
 在離開巴黎之前，Ash'ash 在杜伊勒利宮舉行的儀式上移交了六匹阿拉伯馬和一隊野生動物。
這些動物將被送往植物園，其中包括一頭獅子、兩隻駝鳥、三隻瞪羚和一隻 「mouton à manchettes」，一種迄今為止在歐洲還不為人所知的巴巴利羊。
媒體不費吹灰之力就以阿拉伯式的方式重新描述了這次送禮活動：
 L'Illustration》評論道：
"摩爾人的後代曾經帶來鑽石和香水。
「今天，沙漠之子將獅子和瞪羚賜予我們。
「60

 

Plate 4. Presentation of gifts from the Sultan to Louis-Philippe. From L'Illustration, 21 February 1846.

 

圖 4. 蘇丹向路易-菲利普贈送禮物。
摘自 L'Illustration，1846 年 2 月 21 日。

 

Plate 5. A Barbary sheep given to the Jardin des Plantes. From L'Illustration, 21 February 1846.

 

圖片 5. 送給植物園的巴巴利羊。
摘自 L'Illustration，1846 年 2 月 21 日。

NOTES：

46. L'Illustration, 3 January 1846, announcing his arrival, promised "the fullest and most curious details about the ambassador."

47. Ibid., to January 1846. Heroes of a romantic-tragic tale by FrançoisAuguste-René Chateaubriand (1768-1848), author of Les aventures du dernier Abencerage, set in fifteenth-century Spain (Paris, 1826). Hassan Mekouar, Washington Irving and the Arabesque Tradition (Ph.D. dissertation, Brown University, 1977), pp. 30-31; El 1, s.v. "Abencerages."

 

48. A cap of felt material. In Arabic sarbūsh, which Dozy calls a "coiffure distinctive des émirs." Dictionnaire détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les Arabes (Beirut, n.d.), pp. 222-24-

49. A hooded floor-length cape.

50. Leather slippers, usually yellow and pointed at the tips.

51. L'Illustration, 10 January 1846.

 

52. AAE/ADM/Voyage, no date. During his stay in Paris, Beaumier wrote regularly to de Chasteau in Tangier. Drafts of these letters and other miscellanea collected during the journey are found in this dossier. For aşŞaffar's view of the day's activities, see pp. 190-194.

53. Ibid., Beaumier to de Chasteau, 8 February 1846.

54. Ash'äsh's letter of introduction is in 'Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Zaydän, Ithaf a'lam an-nās bi-jamal akhbar hadirat Miknās, 5 vols. (Rabat, 1929-33), 5:170; also TT 3:295. A French translation is in AAE/MDM 4/123-25. Ash'ash wrote to his brother about the audience (Watha'iq 2:119:21), and de Chasteau passed on news of events in Paris in a letter to Ibn Idris at the court. DAR 17570, 28 Muharram 1262/26 January 1846.

 

55. The letter from the Sultan to Louis-Philippe is dated 7 Muharram 1262/6 January 1846; written in aş-Şaffar's handwriting, it is AAE/MDM 4/145. The French incursions were near the River Nün in the south, on the trade route from Mogador to Timbuktu. AAE/MDM 9/297-99, "Mission d'exploration des côtes de Wadnoun (1843)"; Miège, Le Maroc 2:146-54.

56. AAE/MDM 4/155-60, Guizot to Ash'äsh, 14 February 1846.

57. Guizot, France under Louis-Philippe, p. 222.

 

58. Ibid., p. 204.

59. J. Caillé, "Un ambassadeur marocain à Paris (1845-1846)," Le monde Français 16, 49 (October 1949): 86; see also, by the same author, "Ambassades et missions marocaines en France," H-T 1, 1 (1960): 65-67. French historians have been unaware of aş-Şaffar's account, although J.-L. Miège suggested that the embassy of Ash'äsh has "not been sufficiently emphasized." Le Maroc 2:205 note 1.

 

註解：

46. 1846 年 1 月 3 日，L'Illustration 宣佈了他的到來，並承諾 「提供大使最詳盡和最令人好奇的細節」。

47. 同上，至 1846 年 1 月。
FrançoisAuguste-René Chateaubriand (1768-1848) 所著浪漫悲劇故事中的英雄，他是 Les aventures du dernier Abencerage 一書的作者，故事發生在十五世紀的西班牙（巴黎，1826 年）。
Hassan Mekouar, Washington Irving and the Arabesque Tradition (Ph.D. dissertation, Brown University, 1977), pp.

 

48. 毛氈材質的帽子。
阿拉伯文 sarbūsh，Dozy 稱之為「coiffure distinctive des émirs」。
Dictionnaire détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les Arabes (Beirut, n.d.), pp.

49. 連帽落地披肩。

50. 皮拖鞋，通常為黃色，尖頭。

51. L'Illustration，1846 年 1 月 10 日。

52. AAE/ADM/Voyage，無日期。
在巴黎逗留期間，Beaumier 定期寫信給丹吉爾的 de Chasteau。
這些信件的草稿以及在旅途中收集的其他雜物都收錄在這份檔案中。
有關 aşŞaffar 對當天活動的看法，請參閱第 190-194 頁。

53. 同上，Beaumier 致 de Chasteau，1846 年 2 月 8 日。

54. Ash「äsh 的介紹信收錄於 」Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Zaydän, Ithaf a'lam an-nās bi-jamal akhbar hadirat Miknās, 5 vols. (Rabat, 1929-33), 5:170；另收錄於 TT 3:295。
法文譯本收錄於 AAE/MDM 4/123-25。
Ash「ash 在寫給他哥哥的信中提到了這次接見 (Watha」iq 2:119:21)，de Chasteau 在寫給宮廷中的 Ibn Idris 的信中轉達了巴黎事件的消息。
DAR 17570, 28 Muharram 1262/26 January 1846。

55. 苏丹写给路易-菲利普的信的日期是 1262 年 3 月 7 日/1846 年 1 月 6 日；信是用 aş-Şaffar 的笔迹写的，编号为 AAE/MDM 4/145。
法國入侵的地點靠近南部的寧河 (River Nün)，位於摩加多 (Mogador) 到廷巴克圖 (Timbuktu) 的貿易航線上。
AAE/MDM 9/297-99, 「Mission d'exploration des côtes de Wadnoun (1843)」; Miège, Le Maroc 2:146-54.

56. AAE/MDM 4/155-60，Guizot 致 Ash'äsh，1846 年 2 月 14 日。

57. Guizot, Louis-Philippe 統治下的法國，第 222 頁。

58. 同上，第 204 頁。

59. J. Caillé, 「Un ambassadeur marocain à Paris (1845-1846),」 Le monde Français 16, 49 (October 1949)：
 86; see also, by the same author, 「Ambassades et missions marocaines en France,」 H-T 1, 1 (1960)：
 65-67. 法國歷史學家並不知道 aş-Şaffar 的描述，不過 J.-L. Miège 認為 Ash'äsh 的大使館「沒有被充分強調」。
Le Maroc 2:205 註 1。

1-5The Return

1-5回程

 

Ash'ash and his party said their farewells and left Paris on 17 February 1846. Heading south, at their hosts' insistence they made a detour via Toulon, the home port of the French Mediterranean fleet; here they inspected a warship that, unknown to them, had taken part in the bombardments of Tangier and Mogador in 1844. Finally they reached Marseille, where they stopped for several days to make numerous purchases of silks and gold brocades for the Sultan and his First Minister. On March 2nd the group boarded the Météore, reaching Tetuan five days later. Scenes of wild joy greeted them on their return. A Frenchman who was present gave an account of their reception:

 

1846 年 2 月 17 日，Ash'ash 一行告別巴黎。
在主人的堅持下，他們繞道法國地中海艦隊的母港土倫（Toulon）南下；在這裡，他們參觀了一艘他們不知道曾在 1844 年參與轟炸丹吉爾（Tangier）和摩加多（Mogador）的戰艦。
最後，他們到達了馬賽，在那裡停留了幾天，為蘇丹和他的第一大臣購買了大量的絲綢和金錦。
3 月 2 日，他們登上了 Météore 號船，五天後抵達Tetuan。
他們回程時一派欣喜若狂的景象。
一位在場的法國人講述了他們受到接待的情況：

All the religious corporations and the ulema of the various mosques lined the streets, waving the colorful flags of the marabouts. The Pasha approached each group, one by one, and recited words of the Koran with them, while the sacred standards drooped to surround him with the benedictions of the Prophet. Women, children, and old people ran up onto the terraces; they were dressed in clothing reserved for feast days. The Jewish quarter especially presented a gorgeous sight, with the embroidered dresses and jewels of its women. They saluted the Pasha with their "you-yous" and "vivas," while the menfolk lining the sides of the street respectfully kissed the knees and burnoose of the Pasha. 63

 

所有的宗教團體和各清真寺的烏里瑪都在街上列隊，他們揮舞著馬拉布特的彩色旗幟。
Pasha 逐一走近每個團體，與他們一起誦讀《古蘭經》，與此同時，Sa-credit 標準低垂，以先知的祝福圍繞著他。
婦女、兒童和老人跑上陽台；他們穿著節日的盛裝。
猶太人區的婦女們穿著刺繡的衣服，佩戴著珠寶，特別顯得華麗。
婦女們用 「you-yous 「和 」vivas 」向帕夏致敬，而街道兩旁的男人們則熱情地親吻帕夏的膝蓋和褲頭。
63

Before entering his house, Ash'ash went directly to the mosque where the remains of his father were buried, to give thanks for the happy outcome of his mission.

 

在進入他的家之前，Ash'ash 直接前往埋葬他父親遺骸的清真寺，為他任務的圓滿結果致謝。

Almost immediately, the ambassador set out for Marrakesh to report to the Sultan. On 22 March 1846 the British Consul, John H. Drummond Hay, also en route to Marrakesh, met him in Rabat and had tea with him. Hay noted in his journal that Ash'ash "is the best style of Moor I have seen, and appears to have rubbed off the usual quantum of Moorish fanaticism on his visit to Paris."65 According to Hay, Ash'ash was received at court with honor, a sign that the Sultan approved of his conduct abroad.

 

大使幾乎立即啟程前往馬拉喀什Marrakesh向蘇丹報告。
1846 年 3 月 22 日，英國領事 John H. Drummond Hay 也在前往馬拉喀什的途中，在拉巴特與他會面並共進下午茶。
海伊在他的日記中指出，阿什阿什「是我見過的摩爾人中風格最好的，而且似乎已經褪去了他在巴黎訪問時所帶有的摩爾人的狂熱。

Ash'ash returned home to his post as governor. But he did not forget his French hosts, and according to documents in the French archives, wrote to de Chasteau: "If you have any desire, make it known to me, and with the help of God I will carry it out."66 Throughout the spring and summer of 1846, he provided the French Consul with valuable information about local affairs. Soon other partisans of France appeared, and the circle of those receiving payments from the French widened to include the highest officials of the Makhzan: according to French sources, the First Minister, Ibn Idris, received 29,920 francs in Spanish doubloons; Bü Silham was given 10,360 francs, which he accepted after swearing to "undying secrecy"; and Bin Abu, the governor of the Rif, was promised 18,000 francs yearly, "as long as he continued to act in the interests of France."68 Roches's prediction had come true: a revolution had taken place at the court, and for the moment the position of France was predominant. The British Consul Hay wrote: "Not a day passes that I do not see the decrease of our influence and an increase of the French."69

 

Ash'ash 回國擔任總督。
但他沒有忘記他的法國主人，根據法國檔案中的文件，他寫信給 de Chasteau：
 「66 在整個 1846 年的春天和夏天，他向法國領事提供了有關當地事務的寶貴資訊。
很快，其他法國的支持者也出現了，接受法國人付款的範圍擴大到了 Makhzan 的最高級官員：
根據法國的資料來源，第一部長 Ibn Idris 收到了 29,920 法郎的西班牙銀幣；Bü Silham 得到了 10,360 法郎，他在宣誓 「絕對保密 」後接受了這筆錢；Rif 的總督 Bin Abu 獲允每年 18,000 法郎，「只要他繼續為法國的利益服務」。
「68 羅歇的預言成真了：
宮廷發生了一場革命，法國的地位暫時佔了上風。
英國領事海伊（Hay）寫道：
「我沒有一天不看到我們的影響力下降，而法國的影響力上升。

The Moroccans also viewed the embassy with satisfaction. Not long after Ash'ash's return, Guizot decided to relieve the pressure on the Sultan, and allow him to deal with 'Abd al-Qadir at his own pace. Deprived of Moroccan support, the latter eventually gave himself up and went into exile. But the congruity of interests between Morocco and France was only temporary, and was swept away with the Revolution of 1848. In the aftermath of the upheaval, European imperialist ambitions were to reemerge with new vigor, placing the two states again in bitter contention."

 

摩洛哥人也對大使館感到滿意。
Ash「ash 回國後不久，Guizot 決定減輕蘇丹的壓力，讓他以自己的步調處理 」Abd al-Qadir。
由於得不到摩洛哥的支持，卡迪爾最終自首流亡。
但摩洛哥與法國之間的利益一致只是暫時的，隨著1848年的革命而一掃而空。
在這場動亂之後，歐洲帝國主義的野心以新的活力重新崛起，使這兩個國家再次陷入激烈的爭奪之中"。

As for the dour "savant," Muhammad aş-Şaffär, shortly after his return he began to write his travel account. Perhaps he had intended to write from the beginning, for he had kept a journal; perhaps, too, he was urged to write by Ash'ash, who wanted a written record of the journey to present to the Sultan. What is certain is that the most abiding outcome of the embassy is the Rihla(旅行). And while the name of the ambassador and the purpose of his mission have receded with time, the name of the secretary, Muhammad aş-Şaffär, has endured.

 

至於沉悶的 「精明人 」Muhammad aş-Şaffär，回國後不久便開始撰寫他的旅行記事。
也許他一開始就打算寫，因為他一直有寫日記；也許是阿什阿什催促他寫，因為他想寫下旅途的書面記錄呈遞給蘇丹。
可以確定的是，使節之旅最持久的成果就是遊記 (Rihla(旅行))。
儘管大使的名字和他出使的目的已隨著時間的流逝而消失，但秘書 Muhammad aş-Şaffär 的名字卻歷久不衰。

Plate 6. The house of Governor Ash'äsh in Tetuan. Watercolor by Lt. Bellaire, 1844. Angus collection, Old American Legation, Tangier.

圖6. Tetuan的 Ash'äsh 總督府。
Bellaire 中校的水彩畫，1844 年。
安格斯收藏，丹吉爾舊美國公使館。

NOTES：

60. 10 January 1846.

61. The Moroccan suite visited the warship Jemmapes, anchored in the port of Toulon, on 25 February 1846. AAE/CPM 16/35-37, Pourcet to Guizot, 2 March 1846. This vessel took part in the bombardment of Tangier, where it was "positioned opposite the Casbah and within rifle-shot of the town." Warnier, Campagne du Maroc, p. 96.

62. Ash'ash left France with forty-six pieces of baggage weighing 2,064 kilos. AAE/ADM/Voyage, "bill of lading."

63. AAE/CPM 16/71-74, Pourcet to Guizot, 13 March 1846. The Jews of northern Morocco are mostly Spanish-speaking, tracing their ancestry to Spanish exiles of the late fifteenth century.

 

64. Family Archive. Ibn Idris to Muhammad ar-Razīnī, 20 Rabī alAwwal 1262/18 March 1846.

65. J. H. D. Hay, Journal of an Expedition to the Court of Marocco in the Year 1846 (Cambridge, 1848), p. 45.

66. AAE/CPM 16/68, Ash'ash to de Chasteau, 10 March 1846.

67. AAE/CPM 17/212, de Chasteau to Guizot, 27 September 1846, for

a report originating with Ash'äsh about the arrival of a British flotilla in Tetuan. 68. AAE/CPM 18/160-65, de Chasteau to Guizot [?], 12 February

1847. Laroui says that certain families began receiving large sums of money and became "faithful allies of European interests." History, p. 322. Such bribery was already commonplace in the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century, where it was "integral to the transaction of business." Thomas Naff, "Ottoman Diplomatic Relations with Europe in the Eighteenth Century: Patterns and Trends," in Thomas Naff and Roger Owen, eds., Studies in Eighteenth Century Islamic History (Carbondale, 1977), p. 95.

69. Public Records Office, FO 99/31, Hay to Palmerston, 4 November 1846, quoted in F. R. Flournoy, British Policy toward Morocco in the Age of Palmerston (Baltimore, 1935), р. 116.

70. Guizot, France under Louis-Philippe, pp. 198-206. In the Istiqsa, vol. 9. an-Naşiri documents the steady deterioration in relations between the Sultan and the Amir, the latter's "corruption of the tribes" (p. 50); his "rebellion against the Sultan" (p. 56); and his final capture, greeted with official rejoicing in Morocco (p. 58).

71. The aftermath of the embassy and developments in French-

Moroccan relations are described in Miège, Le Maroc 2:214-20.

 

註解：

60. 1846 年 1 月 10 日。

61. 1846年2月25日，摩洛哥套房訪問了停泊在土倫港的軍艦Jemmapes。
AAE/CPM 16/35-37，Pourcet 致 Guizot，1846 年 3 月 2 日。
這艘船參與了坦吉爾（Tangier）的砲轟，它 「停靠在卡斯巴（Casbah）對面，距離城鎮只有步槍射程」。
Warnier, Campagne du Maroc, p. 96。

62. Ash'ash 帶著 46 件行李離開法國，共重 2,064 公斤。
AAE/ADM/Voyage，「提貨單」。

63. AAE/CPM 16/71-74，Pourcet 致 Guizot，1846 年 3 月 13 日。
摩洛哥北部的猶太人大多說西班牙語，他們的祖先可追溯至十五世紀末的西班牙流亡者。

64. 家庭檔案。
Ibn Idris 致 Muhammad ar-Razīnī，Rabī alAwwal 1262 年 3 月 20 日/1846 年 3 月 18 日。

65. J. H. D. Hay, Journal of an Expedition to the Court of Marocco in the Year 1846 (Cambridge, 1848), p. 45。

66. AAE/CPM 16/68，Ash'ash 致 de Chasteau，1846 年 3 月 10 日。

67. AAE/CPM 17/212，de Chasteau 致 Guizot，1846 年 9 月 27 日。

一份源自 Ash'äsh 的報告，內容關於一支英國船隊抵達Tetuan。
68. 68. AAE/CPM 18/160-65，de Chasteau 致 Guizot [?]，1847 年 2 月 12 日。

1847. Laroui 說某些家族開始收到大筆金錢，並成為「歐洲利益的忠實盟友」。
歷史》，第 322 頁。
這種賄賂在 18 世紀的鄂圖曼帝國已經司空見慣，是 「商業交易不可或缺的一部分」。
Thomas Naff，"Ottoman Diplomatic Relations with Europe in the Eighteenth Century：
 Thomas Naff, 「Ottoman Diplomatic Relations with Europe in the Eighteenth Century: Patterns and Trends,」 in Thomas Naff and Roger Owen, eds., Studies in Eighteenth Century Islamic History (Carbondale, 1977), p. 95.

69. Public Records Office, FO 99/31, Hay to Palmerston, 4 November 1846, quoted in F. R. Flournoy, British Policy toward Morocco in the Age of Palmerston (Baltimore, 1935), р. 116. 116.

70. Guizot, France under Louis-Philippe, pp. 在《伊斯提克薩》(Istiqsa) 第 9 卷中，an-Naşiri 記錄了蘇丹與埃米爾關係的不斷惡化，埃米爾「腐化部落」(第 50 頁)；他「再賄賂蘇丹」(第 56 頁)；以及他最後被俘，摩洛哥國內一片歡騰(第 58 頁)。

71. 使館事件後法國與摩洛哥關係的發展。

摩洛哥關係的發展在 Miège, Le Maroc 2:214-20 中有所描述。

1-6The Author

1-6作者

His full name was Abū 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah aşŞaffär, al-Andalusi by origin, Tetuani by birth. His ancestors came from the town of Jaén in Andalusia, and his father bore the laqab, or agnomen, of Jayyānī. Like many of his contemporaries, his birth date is not known, nor are the circumstances of his early life. However, the house in which he was born is still standing in Tetuan. A plain, two-story structure, its interior boasts none of the elegant flourishes of the houses of the wealthy. Its simplicity tells us that aş-Şaffar's family was a modest one, perhaps rich in culture and distinguished ancestry, but not in worldly goods.

 

他的全名是 Abū 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah aşŞaffär，原籍安達盧西亞，出生於Tetuani。
他的祖先來自於安達魯西亞的哈恩 (Jaén)，他的父親有 Jayyānī 的姓氏。
和許多同時代的人一樣，他的出生日期不詳，早年的生活狀況也不詳。
然而，他出生的房子仍然屹立在Tetuan。
這是一棟普通的兩層樓建築，內部沒有富裕人家的優雅華麗。
它的簡樸告訴我們，aş-Şaffar 的家庭是一個樸素的家庭，也許擁有豐富的文化和與眾不同的祖先，但並不富裕。

The aş-Şaffar family came to Tetuan with the wave of emigrants that fled the Reconquista at the end of the fifteenth century, joining the colony of Spanish Muslims who rebuilt Tetuan as a base for counterattacks on Spain and on the foreign enclaves at nearby Ceuta and Tangier. Part of the family emigrated to Fes, but the Tetuan branch took root and prospered in the peculiar soil of that northern Moroccan city. Muhammad aş-Şaffar's self-image was bound to his native town, and the poetic feeling he expresses on leaving it is a sign of his deep attachment. 74

 

十五世紀末，aş-Şaffar 家族隨著逃避復興戰的移民潮來到Tetuan，加入了西班牙穆斯林的殖民地，重建了Tetuan，作為反攻西班牙以及附近休達Ceuta和丹吉爾的外國飛地的基地。
家族的一部分移居費斯Fes，但Tetuan的分支則在摩洛哥北部城市的特殊土壤中生根發芽，繁榮興盛。
Muhammad aş-Şaffar的自我形象與他的故鄉緊緊相連，而他在離開故鄉時所表達的詩情畫意，也顯示出他對故鄉深深的依戀。
74

 

Every Moroccan city has its own unique character, and (Tetuan is no exception. Sprawled across a plateau between the mountains and the Mediterranean, it beckons to the hinterland more than to the sea. Over the centuries, the old core of Andalusian nobility was joined by an influx of mountain people from the Rif and the Jabala, tempted by its bustling markets and emerald gardens. Its nearby port of Martil now lies in sultry disuse, but once was aswarm with activity. Though not the busiest port in Morocco, it was nevertheless an important link in the trade routes to the east and south. A rich merchant class, typified by the tajir's in his spotless white jellaba and burnoose, flourished there. Benefiting from their relative remoteness from the centers of Makhzan power, the people of Tetuan sought above all else "to increase their wealth by trade, and to enjoy in peace the joys of the arts and letters."76

 

每座摩洛哥城市都有其獨特的個性，Tetuan也不例外。
它橫跨在山脈與地中海之間的高原上，比起海邊，它更向腹地招手。
幾世紀以來，安達魯西亞貴族的老闆們從 Rif 和 Jabala 山區湧入，受到熱鬧市場和綠寶石花園的誘惑。
鄰近的馬蒂爾港 (Port of Martil) 現在雖已蕭條廢棄，但卻曾熱鬧非常。
雖然它不是摩洛哥最繁忙的港口，但卻是通往東方和南方貿易路線的重要樞紐。
富裕的商人階級在此繁榮興盛，典型的代表就是身著一塵不染的白色袍子和袍服的塔吉爾 (tajir)。
得益於與馬克贊勢力中心的相對距離，Tetuan人首先追求的是「通過貿易增加財富，並在和平中享受藝術和文字的樂趣」76。

The richness of the town was a temptation, and from time to time Tetuan was the scene of violence and disorder. In 1236/1820, tribal partisans of Mulay Ibrahim, a rival claimant to the throne held by Mulay Sulayman, entered the town and "took possession of the wealth of the port and of the storehouses of the Sultan."7" At other times, the Sultan himself intervened in Tetuan's freewheeling mercantile life by "eating up" the wealth of merchants whose prosperity had become too apparent. 78 But usually the pattern of local life was serene, with times of troubles an occasional counterpoint to the otherwise steady rhythm of prosperous trade.

 

城鎮的富裕是一種誘惑，Tetuan不時會發生暴力和動亂。
1236/1820 年，Mulay Ibrahim 的部族黨徒（Mulay Ibrahim 是 Mulay Sulayman 擁有的王位的對手聲稱人）進入城鎮，「佔據了港口的財富和蘇丹的倉庫」7。
在其他時候，蘇丹親自介入Tetuan的自由商貿生活，「蠶食」那些繁榮已經太過明顯的商人的財富。
78 但通常情況下，當地的生活模式是寧靜的，偶爾出現的紛擾與其他穩定的貿易繁榮節奏形成對比。

This trade sometimes took Tetuanis far from home; from the port of Martil they sailed into the Mediterranean and beyond. Some had been to Algeria, and a few even to Europe. In 1212/1797, the merchant 'Abd ar-Rahman Madīna received a notarized document from the umana' of Tetuan, confirming his intention "to travel by sea to the Christian lands, for the purpose of profitable trade, if God wills it," along with an accounting of the money he was taking with him: "4,570 riyals, 36 doubloons, and twenty ducats." Muhammad aş-Şaffar describes one of his companions on the voyage, the Hajj al-'Arabī al-'Attar, as "skilled in dealings with other peoples and parts." The al-'Attar family were prominent Tetuani businessmen accustomed to following business opportunities abroad. Tetuanis, then, had the business acumen generally ascribed to the people of Fes; but in addition they had a cosmopolitan air and a skill in dealing with foreigners that was rare in early nineteenth-century Morocco.

 

這種貿易有時會把Tetuan人帶到遠方；他們從馬蒂爾港出航到地中海甚至更遠的地方。
有些人曾到過阿爾及利亞，有些人甚至到過歐洲。
在 1212/1797 年，商人 「Abd ar-Rahman Madīna 收到了一份來自Tetuan的 umana」 的公證文件，確認他打算「從海路前往基督教國家，以進行有利可圖的貿易，如果上帝允許的話」，並附上他所帶錢財的帳目：
 「4,570里亞爾、36個銀幣和20個杜卡特」。
穆罕默德-阿斯-沙法爾 (Muhammad aş-Şaffar) 描述他在航行途中的一位同伴哈吉-阿拉比-阿塔爾 (Hajj al-'Arabī al-'Attar) 「擅長與其他民族和地區打交道」。
阿塔爾 (al-'Attar) 家族是傑出的德圖瓦尼商人，慣於追隨海外商機。
因此，Tetuan人具有一般被稱為非斯人的商業頭腦，但除此之外，他們還擁有世界性的氣息以及與外國人打交道的技巧，這在十九世紀初的摩洛哥是非常罕見的。

But contact with foreigners did not necessarily imply acceptance. The nearby enclave of Ceuta was an outpost of Christian encroachment that rubbed sorely on Tetuan's side, and the not distant town of Tangier was seen as a source of foreign contamination. ** Proximity to Europe bred in the people of Tetuan complex feelings of familiarity and contempt. A special brand of militancy developed in the town, and many Tetuanis regarded themselves as standardbearers in the war against Christian occupation. In 1791 Tetuanis supported Mulay Yazīd's insurgence against his father, Muhammad III,largely because of the latter's indifference to the Spanish presence in Ceuta. Yazid laid siege to the Spanish enclave and, though he failed in his effort, kept the loyalty of Tetuan while the rest of Morocco scorned him. 83

 

但與外國人接觸不一定意味著被接受。
鄰近的休達（Ceuta）是基督教侵佔的前哨，對Tetuan（Tetuan）方面造成嚴重的負面影響，而不遠的丹吉爾（Tangier）則被視為外來污染的來源。
** 鄰近歐洲的Tetuan人民產生了既熟悉又蔑視的複雜情感。
鎮上形成了一種特殊的激進主義，許多Tetuan人將自己視為反對基督教佔領的戰爭中的標準鬥士。
1791 年，Tetuanis 支持 Mulay Yazīd 對其父穆罕默德三世 (Muhammad III) 的起義，主要是因為後者對西班牙在休達的存在無動於衷。
亞齊德圍攻西班牙人的飛地，雖然失敗了，但他保住了Tetuan人的忠誠，而摩洛哥的其他地方卻對他不屑一顧。
83

 

The attachment to militant Islam received encouragement from another source. From the late eighteenth century on, Tetuan was the focus of intense religious activity centered on the recently formed brotherhood of the Darqawa, which began near Tetuan and spread from there to the rest of Morocco. The main lodge, or zăwiya, of the Darqawa was the scene of pilgrimages, nightly gatherings, chanting, and other ecstatic practices associated with the worship of saintly folk that is characteristic of Moroccan Islam. Soon the influence of the Darqawa brotherhood was paramount in the town. When Sultan Sulayman actively opposed saint worship for political and religious reasons, he stirred local resentment. All segments of Tetuani society, including devotees of the brotherhoods, merchants, notables, and ulema, joined to support his rival Mulay Sa'id. When in 1822 the Sultan abdicated in favor of his nephew Mulay Abd ar-Rahman, ending the campaign against the brotherhoods, Tetuan is said to have rejoiced. This, then, is the background to as-Saffar's Tetuan: a city where side by side one found the luxurious refinement of Andalus and the crude roughness of the Rif; the urbane tastes of the rich merchant and the militancy of the holy warrior; the scholarly erudition of the mosque and the intense devotionalism of the zawiya. These contrasts animated the world around Muhammad aş-Şaffar and shaped his consciousness.

 

對好戰的伊斯蘭教的依戀得到了另一個來源的鼓勵。
從十八世紀後期開始，Tetuan成為密集宗教活動的焦點，這些宗教活動以最近成立的兄弟會 Darqawa 為中心，從Tetuan附近開始，並從那裡擴散到摩洛哥的其他地方。
Darqawa 的主要寮屋 (zăwiya) 是朝聖、每晚聚會、吟唱以及其他與摩洛哥伊斯蘭教特色的聖人工作相關的狂喜練習的場所。
不久之後，Darqawa 兄弟會的影響力在鎮上佔了上風。
蘇萊曼 (Sultan Sulayman) 因政治和宗教原因積極反對聖人崇拜，激起了當地人的反感。
Tetuani 社會的各個階層，包括兄弟會的信徒、商人、名流和 烏里瑪，都聯合起來支持他的對手 Mulay Sa'id。
1822 年，當蘇丹退位，支持他的侄子 Mulay Abd ar-Rahman，結束對兄弟會的攻擊時，據說 Tetuan 非常高興。
這就是薩法爾 (as-Saffar) 筆下的Tetuan (Tetuan) 的背景：
在這座城市裡，人們可以同時發現安達魯斯 (Andalus) 的奢華精緻與里夫 (Rif) 的粗野粗糙；富商的高雅品味與聖戰者的好戰；清真寺的學術博學與扎維亞 (Zawiya) 的強烈虔誠。
這些對立使 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 身邊的世界充滿活力，也塑造了他的意識。

He began his education in Tetuan, studying "under the sheikhs of his day," although their names are not known to us." Then he went to Fes to "read the sciences" at the mosque-university of the Qarawiyin in the company of his lifelong friend, Muhammad 'Azīmãn, who later become the qadi, or judge, of Tetuan. * There was no fixed length to the course of study at the Qarawiyin, but most students generally stayed only four or five years. Aş-Şaffar, however, remained in Fes more than eight years, immersing himself in the study of law, Hadith, and Arabic grammar with the noted scholar Ibn 'Abd ar-Rahman al-Hujrati." He must also have taken part in the evening sessions held outside the mosque, where exceрtional students studied rhetoric and style to gain full mastery of literary Arabic. When he finally returned to Tetuan in 1252/1836, he had earned the title of faqih, showing that he had excelled in the sciences of law and jurisprudence.

 

他在Tetuan (Tetuan) 開始接受教育，「在當時的酋長手下學習」，雖然我們不知道他們的名字。
之後，他前往費斯 (Fes) 在卡拉維因 (Qarawiyin) 的清真寺大學「讀理科」，與他一生的好友穆罕默德 (Muhammad 'Azīmãn) 為伴，後來穆罕默德成為Tetuan (Tetuan) 的卡迪 (qadi) 或法官。
* 在 Qarawiyin 學習的課程沒有固定的長短，但大多數學生一般只學習四或五年。
然而，Aş-Şaffar 在菲斯待了八年多，跟隨著名學者 Ibn 'Abd ar-Rahman al-Hujrati 學習法律、聖經和阿拉伯語文法。
他一定也參加了在清真寺外舉行的晚會，在那裡，學生們學習修辭和風格，以全面掌握阿拉伯語文。
當他在 1252/1836 年終於回到Tetuan時，他已獲得法吉的稱號，顯示出他在法律和法理學方面的卓越成就。

Aş-Şaffar acquired more than the tools of the legist's trade in Fes. Having completed his course of study with distinction, he was ready to enter the upper ranks of Moroccan society, the khāşşa, or people of standing, as opposed to the 'amma, or common folk. 88 Association with the Fes scholarly establishment was an "intense socializing experience" that offered the young man of modest yet genteel background direct entry into the provincial urban elite. Armed with letters of recommendation from his prestigious teachers, aş-Şaffar quickly found a suitable position, and slipped easily into the dignified if modest life of a notary ('adl) in the law court of Tetuan, where he gave testimony about the character of witnesses and supervised the drawing up of legal contracts. 90 Notaries were esteemed by the community for their knowledge of the law, and respected for their integrity. Aş-Şaffar was highly regarded on both counts, according to Dawud, and soon became one of the foremost notaries of Tetuan. He was also occupied with giving legal opinions, and occasionally substituted for the qadi in making decisions. His aspiration was to rise eventually to the position of judge in the court of Tetuan.

 

Aş-Şaffar 在非斯學到的不僅僅是法律工作者的工具。
以優異的成績完成學業後，他已準備好進入摩洛哥社會的上層階級，即 khāşşa（有地位的人），有別於 'amma（普通人）。
88 與菲斯的學術機構交往是一種「強烈的社交經驗」，讓出身樸素但有教養的年輕人直接進入外省的城市精英圈。
有了著名教師的推薦信，aş-Şaffar 很快就找到了合適的職位，並輕鬆地晉升為Tetuan (Tetuan) 法院的公證人 ('adl)，在那裡為證人的品格作證，並監督法律合約的起草。
90 公證人因其法律知識而受到社會的尊敬，並因其誠信而受到尊重。
據 Dawud 所述，Aş-Şaffar 在這兩方面都受到高度評價，並很快成為Tetuan最重要的公證人之一。
他還負責提供法律意見，偶爾會代替卡迪做出決定。
他的願望是最終晉升為Tetuan的法官。

In addition to his duties as notary, aş-Şaffar taught in the mosque of the Upper Fountain in Tetuan, specializing in Hadith and jurisprudence. He gave public lessons every morning in muamalat, or social relations, and every afternoon in 'ibādāt, or religious practice. No doubt these were years of contentment for him. Held in respect by his fellow Tetuanis, he immersed himself in the comfortable atmosphere of his native city, occupied with the tasks of teaching and administering justice. Aş-Şaffar also settled down in his family life,marrying the Sharifa al-Mubaraka, daughter of the muezzin; with her he had two daughters, both of whom married in Tetuan and whose descendents still live there. 92

 

除了公證人的職責外，阿斯-沙法爾還在Tetuan (Tetuan) 的上噴泉清真寺教書，專門教授聖經和法理。
他每天上午上穆阿馬拉特 (muamalat) 或社會關係方面的公開課，下午上伊布達特 (ibādāt)或宗教修持方面的公開課。
毫無疑問，這幾年對他來說是滿足的時光。
他受到Tetuan同胞的尊敬，他沉浸在故鄉城市舒適的氣氛中，專注於教學與司法的工作。
阿斯-沙法爾在家庭生活中也安頓下來，娶了穆斯津（muezzin）的女兒沙里法-穆巴拉卡（Sharifa al-Mubaraka）為妻；他與她生了兩個女兒，兩個女兒都嫁到了Tetuan，她們的後代至今仍生活在那裡。
92

 

This calm and settled life was disrupted and eventually terminated by aş-Şaffar's association with the governor of Tetuan, Muhammad Ash'ash, and after his death, with his son, 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash. Reluctantly, the sources say, he was drawn away from his career in teaching and jurisprudence and pressed into the governor's service. Valued in this provincial setting for his thorough knowledge of Arabic language and Islamic law, he became Ash'ash's counselor, advising him on matters of legality and proper form. AşŞaffar's entry into his new vocation is reported as follows:

 

這種平靜安定的生活被 aş-Şaffar 與Tetuan省省長 Muhammad Ash「ash 的關係以及他死後與其子 」Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash 的關係打亂，並最終結束。
據資料顯示，他不情願地從教學和法學的職業生涯中抽身，被迫為總督服務。
由於他對阿拉伯語和伊斯蘭法律有深入的瞭解，因此在這個外省的環境中很受重用，他成為了 Ash'ash 的顧問，就合法性和適當形式的問題向他提供建議。
AşŞaffar 履行新職責的過程如下：

The Sultan ordered all the governors of his domain to employ secretaries who were proficient in composition and the art of letter-writing. Letters had been coming to his court in the handwriting of country scholars who did not know the proper forms of address, were deficient in their responses, and showed no knowledge of grammar or language. One of these governors was Hajj 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash of Tetuan, who asked the Faqih aş-Şaffar to reply to the letters which came to him from the court. Aş-Şaffar at first refused, but Ash'ash persisted until he finally won him over. When [aş-Şaffar's] first letter arrived at the court, the Sultan was greatly pleased and said, "At last Ash'ash has taken on a secretary!"93

 

蘇丹下令所有領地的總督僱用精通寫作和書信藝術的秘書。
一直以來，他的宮廷都收到鄉間學者手寫的信件，這些學者不知道正確的稱呼方式，回信內容不完整，也不懂文法或語言。
其中一位總督是Tetuan (Tetuan) 的 Hajj 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash，他請法吉 aş-Şaffar 回覆朝廷寄給他的信件。
Aş-Şaffar 一開始拒絕了，但 Ash'ash 一直堅持到最後。
當 [阿什-沙法爾的] 第一封信送到宮廷時，蘇丹非常高興，他說：
「阿什阿什終於聘請了一位秘書！」93

 

When the Sultan instructed Ash'äsh to prepare for his voyage to France by choosing an alim who could "attend to religious matters," Ash'ash naturally turned to Muhammad aş-Şaffar. In France,aş-Şaffar showed a lively curiosity and took detailed notes. He tasted the food, the luxury, the strangeness of European life, and marveled at its variety. Beaumier wrote to de Chasteau in Tangier that "the savant is making the most of his time. He is gifted with an uncommon intellect and is carrying out research. He writes volumes." In the pages of the Rihla(旅行), he comes alive and sharply into focus. We see him in a deeply private mode, stimulated by the beauty of women, contorting during his ritual ablutions, suffering with boredom at endless dinners. His opinions and ideas leap out from every page, some prosaic and conventional, others startlingly original. For him, the journey was more than a catalogue of curiosities-it was a transforming experience. But after fifty days abroad, he longed for Tetuan and home-"the seat of our happiness, the comfort of our daily lives, the pillow of our heads, the nest of our youth, the abode of our joy and vitality."95

 

當蘇丹指示阿什阿什為他的法國之行做準備，選擇一位能「處理宗教事務」的阿利姆時，阿什阿什自然而然地選擇了穆罕默德-阿什-沙法爾（Muhammad aş-Şaffar）。
在法國，aş-Şaffar 表現出了旺盛的好奇心，並做了詳細的筆記。
他品嚐了歐洲的美食、奢華和奇特的生活，並驚嘆於其多樣性。
Beaumier 在丹吉爾寫信給 de Chasteau 說：
"這位才華橫溢的人正在充分利用他的時間。
他天資聰穎，正在進行研究。
他著述甚豐"。
在 Rihla(旅行)遊記 的書頁中，他栩栩如生，鮮明突出。
我們看到他在極度私密的狀態下，受到美麗女性的刺激，在洗浴儀式中扭曲身體，在無休止的晚餐中感到無聊。
他的觀點和想法從每一頁躍然紙上，有些平實而傳統，有些則驚人新穎。
對他來說，這趟旅程不只是一份好奇心的目錄，更是一次轉變的經驗。
但在國外 50 天之後，他嚮往Tetuan和他的家--「那是我們快樂的所在、我們日常生活的舒適、我們頭上的枕頭、我們青春的巢穴、我們快樂和活力的居所」95。

透過 DeepL.com（免費版）翻譯

 

In Tetuan once again, aş-Şaffar resumed his position in the judiciary and his teaching in the mosque, along with his secretarial duties for Ash'ash. In addition to all this, he busied himself in writing his report to the Sultan. Once the onerous task was completed, he returned to obscurity, and for the next few years we hear nothing of him.

 

在Tetuan，阿什-沙法爾再次恢復了他在司法機構的職務和在清真寺的教學工作，並為阿什阿什擔任秘書工作。
除此之外，他還忙著寫給蘇丹的報告。
繁重的任務完成後，他便隱姓埋名，在接下來的幾年裡，我們再也聽不到他的消息。

This phase came to an abrupt end in the month of Ramadan 1267/June 1850, when 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh fell into royal disfavor and aş-Şaffar found himself in grave difficulty because of their association. During the feast of 'Id al-Kabir," the Sultan ordered the governor of Tetuan to the court at Fes to present the customary gifts due on the occasion. Unsuspecting, Ash'äsh made his way to Fes, taking Muhammad aş-Şaffar with him. Dawud recounts the ensuing events:

 

這個階段在 1267 年齋月/1850 年 6 月戛然而止，當時 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh 遭到皇室的譴責，而 aş-Şaffar 也因為他們的關係而陷入困境。
在 「Id al-Kabir 」節期間，蘇丹命令Tetuan（Tetuan）的總督前往菲斯（Fes）的宮廷獻上慣例的禮物。
Ash'äsh 毫無戒心，帶著 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 前往菲斯。
Dawud 記述了接下來發生的事情：

When Ash'ash arrived in Fes with aş-Şaffär, his secretary, the two of them were invited by the Faqih Sīdī al-Kabir al-Fāsī to have lunch at his house. But Ash'ash excused himself, saying that he had to go to the palace to present his gift to the Sultan. Aş-Şaffar remained with Sīdī al-Fāsī, and it was a blessing from God that he did so. For when it came time for the midafternoon prayers and he rose to leave, the master of the house detained him until the time of the gift-giving had passed. Finally, aş-Şaffar left the house and came to the Saffarin, where he heard the news about the seizing of Ash'ash and all those with him. As-Saffär went directly to the Zawiya Fäsiya to seek sanctuary. 99

 

當 Ash'ash 帶著他的秘書 aş-Şaffär 到達費斯時，法老 Sīdī al-Kabir al-Fāsī 邀請他們倆在他家共進午餐。
但 Ash'ash 卻推說他要到宮殿去獻禮給蘇丹王。
Aş-Şaffar 留在 Sīdī al-Fāsī 身邊，他這樣做是真主的祝福。
當下午的禱告時間到了，他起身要離開的時候，房子的主人把他扣留了下來，直到送禮的時間過去。
最後，阿斯-薩法爾離開了房子，來到了薩法林，在那裡他聽到了關於阿什什和所有與他在一起的人被抓的消息。
阿斯-薩法爾直接前往札維亞法西亞（Zawiya Fäsiya）尋求庇護。
99

 

During his confinement in the zawiya, aş-Şaffar tried to negotiate his release. Perhaps influential friends at court from his days in Fes intervened for him; perhaps the Sultan himself remembered the author of the travel account. In any case, aş-Şaffär was soon given a safe-conduct to leave the sanctuary. tuary. Not only was he pardoned for his ties with Ash'äsh, but he was invited to join the Sultan's entourage. 100

 

在扎維耶被囚禁期間，阿斯-薩法爾試圖協商釋放他。
也许是他在菲斯时在宫廷中有影响力的朋友为他进行了交涉；也许是苏丹本人还记得这篇游记的作者。
無論如何，aş-Şaffär 很快就被安全帶離了聖地。
他不僅因與 Ash'äsh 的關係而獲得赦免，還被邀請加入蘇丹的隨從行列。
100

 

The fate of 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash was less fortunate. While aşŞaffar remained in the safety of the zawiya, Ash'ash was taken off to prison along with his entire family. All their possessions were to seized and sold, the profits going to the Makhzan. The reasons for their ruination are not entirely clear, but Dawud reproduces a detailed inventory of confiscated property showing that the family's resources were substantial and no doubt had aroused the cupidity of the Sultan. 101 Eventually Ash'äsh was released from prison and allowed to return to Tetuan, where he lived quietly. In 1862 Sultan Muhammad IV reappointed Ash'ash as governor; but soon he was in difficulty again, and had to be removed from his post. Ash'ash spent the rest of his life as a minor functionary in Meknes, where he died in 1282/1865-66. The once-proud Ash'ash family never regained the prominence it once had held in Tetuan affairs, 102

 

Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash 的命運就沒那麼幸運了。
當 aşŞaffar 仍留在安全的札維耶時，Ash'ash 和他的全家都被帶到監獄。
他們所有的財產都被沒收和變賣，所得的利潤歸 Makhzan 所有。
他們被毀滅的原因並不完全清楚，但 Dawud 複製了一份被沒收財產的尾部清單，顯示該家族的資源相當龐大，無疑引起了蘇丹的貪婪。
101 最後，Ash'äsh 獲釋出獄，並返回Tetuan (Tetuan)，在那裡過著寧靜的生活。
1862 年，蘇丹穆罕默德四世 (Sultan Muhammad IV) 再次任命 Ash'ash 為總督，但他很快又陷入困境，不得不被撤職。
Ash'ash 的餘生都在梅克內斯 (Meknes) 擔任小官，並於 1282/1865-66 年去世。
曾經引以為傲的 Ash'ash 家族在Tetuan事務中從未再獲得過以往的顯赫地位。

The second phase of aş-Şaffar's life, his period of government service, is the most elusive from the biographer's point of view. During his years in the Makhzan, his life becomes veiled in secrecy, his own individuality engulfed in the larger entity of the Sultan, the court, and the cadres of functionaries clustered around the center. Outwardly, every aspect of court life was subject to strict rules of protocol, the qa'ida, which governed all behavior from the pouring of tea to the greeting of foreign embassies. Coming from far-flung parts of the country, the officials who joined the Makhzan were molded by the qā'ida into one cohesive social category. Each left behind his regional loyalties and became a new type devoted to the royal institution alone. Their isolation from the rest of the population was heightened by their rootlessness, for the Sultan and his court assumed a nomadic existence, moving from one place to another, sometimes housed in one of the Sultan's palaces, at other times living under canvas.

 

從傳記家的角度來看，阿斯-沙法爾生命的第二階段，即他在政府服務的時期，是最難捉摸的。
在馬赫贊 (Makhzan) 的幾年間，他的生活被掩蓋在秘密之中，他的個性被吞沒在蘇丹、宮廷和圍繞中心的官員團隊這個更大的實體中。
從外表上看，宮廷生活的每個方面都受到嚴格的禮儀規則 (qa'ida) 規範，從倒茶到迎接外國使節，所有的行為都受其規範。
加入 Makhzan 的官員來自全國各地，他們被 qā'ida 塑造成一個有凝聚力的社會類別。
每個人都拋棄了他對地區的忠誠，成為一個新的類型，只獻身於皇室機構。
由於蘇丹和他的宮廷採取游牧的生活方式，從一個地方移居到另一個地方，有時住在蘇丹的宮殿裡，有時住在帆布下，這加強了他們與其他民眾的隔離。

In return, the court official received certain benefits. He was relieved of all worries about his own upkeep, and given free food and lodging. In the time of Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman, even the highest officials were unsalaried. In theory, they were dependent on the Sultan for everything, awaiting presents of houses, clothing, property, and even money. In practice, however, they used the power of their office to increase their personal wealth, and the life of the high official was generally one of comfort and luxury. 10)

 

作為回報，宮廷官員得到了一些好處。
他不必為自己的生活擔憂，還可以免費吃住。
在蘇丹阿卜杜拉曼 (Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman) 時代，即使是最高級的官員也是無薪的。
理論上，他們一切都依賴蘇爾坦，等待房屋、衣服、財產甚至金錢的饋贈。
但實際上，他們利用職權來增加個人財富，高級官員的生活一般都很舒適和奢華。
10)

 

The attractions of court life would have been difficult to resist, even if one were given a choice. As it happened, as-Saffar had none; deprived of his patron in Tetuan, dispirited by his period of confinement, he decided to throw his lot with the Makhzan. For the next thirty years he lived in the innermost circle, his individual actions woven into a larger tapestry, the strands of his life nearly inseparable from the rich fabric of the whole.

 

宮廷生活的吸引力是很難抵擋的，即使人們可以選擇。
結果，薩法爾 (as-Saffar) 沒有選擇；他在Tetuan (Tetuan) 失去了贊助人，又因被囚禁而感到沮喪，於是決定投靠馬赫贊 (Makhzan)。
在接下來的三十年中，他一直生活在最內層的圈子中，他的個人行動被編織在一幅更大的錦繡中，他生命中的每一縷都幾乎無法從整體的豐富織物中分離出來。

When Muhammad aş-Şaffar came to the court, he was not integrated into the ranks of secretaries engaged in endless letterwriting. Instead, the Sultan entrusted him with tutoring the royal princes, including the future Sultan Hasan I. In return he was provided "with meals from the Sultan's table both morning and night." This arrangement placed him within the family circle of the Sultan, and in a short time the extent of aş-Şaffar's talents became clear. The relationship between them developed as follows:

 

當 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 來到宮廷時，他沒有被編入秘書的行列，從事無休無止的寫信工作。
作為回報，他 「從早到晚都能享用蘇丹餐桌上的美食」。
這樣的安排讓他進入了蘇丹的家庭圈子，而在很短的時間內，阿斯-沙法爾的才能就顯露無遺了。
他們之間的關係發展如下：

Sometimes the Sultan himself was present at these lessons with the royal princes, that is, the sons and grandsons of the Sultan, and he would ask [aş-Şaffar] to lead the prayer if his ranking prayer-leader was not present. Also he would spend much time with him in conversation. Then he made him his special secretary to carry out the duties which he wished to confer only on someone in whom he had perfect confidence and trust. 104

 

有時，蘇丹本人也會與王室王子（即蘇丹的子孫）一起出席這些課程，如果他的首席領禱者不在，他會請 [aş-Şaffar] 領禱。
此外，他還會花很多時間與他交談。
然後，他讓他擔任他的特別秘書，執行他希望只賦予他完全信任和信賴的人的職責。104

 

Advancing from teacher to confidential secretary, aş-Şaffar rose finally to the rank of First Minister (wazir al-awwal) at the end of the reign of Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman. This was the highest position to which an official of the Makhzan could aspire. 105 His task was to sit at the Sultan's side, executing his orders and staying in touch by correspondence with local officials. Although the relationship between the Sultan and his Minister varied, one fact is clear: the Minister had to enjoy the full confidence of the ruler in order to remain in his post. The most telling insight into aş-Şaffar's character is that for nearly three decades he remained at the center of power, a remarkable record of durability in the volatile world of Makhzan politics.

 

從老師到機密秘書，aş-Şaffar 最終在蘇丹 'Abd ar-Rahman 統治末期晉升為第一大臣 (wazir al-awwal)。
這是 Makhzan 官員可以晉升的最高職位。
105 他的任務是坐在蘇丹身邊，執行蘇丹的命令，並與地方官員保持緊密聯繫。
雖 然 蘇 丹 與 其 大 臣 之 間 的 關 係 各 有 不 同 ， 但 有 一 個 事 實 是 很 清 楚 的 ：
 大 臣 必 須 得 到 統 治 者 的 充 分 信 任 ， 才 能 保 持 其 職 位 。
最能說明 aş-Şaffar 性格的是，將近三十年來，他一直位居權力中心，這是馬赫贊政壇動盪不安的一個顯著記錄。

When as-Saffar became First Minister, he lost no time in eliminating rivals and taking advantage of his new position. According to Muhammad Gharrit, there was at that time a chief of protocol06 who was "all-powerful and kept the monopoly of influence for himself. He took charge of all matters of supply, as well as the sources of income and expenditures, without referring to aş-Şaffar." AsŞaffar complained to the Sultan, who removed the offending official. Thereafter, Gharrit continues, aş-Şaffar took over, "milking the udder and selecting the seed, amassing his wealth in Tetuan." 107 The sources tell us little about the remainder of aş-Şaffär's career in government, and he emerges into view only fleetingly. In the summer of 1859, for example, Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman was failing, and the succession was in doubt. The anchor of the Makhzan was Muhammad aş-Şaffär. "Two English doctors were called to Meknes for consultation in August," the French archives report, "and pronounced him close to the end. The Minister aş-Şaffar was the real master of affairs." Aş-Şaffar was also instrumental in assuring the smooth election of his successor, Sultan Muhammad IV (185973), who was an advocate of reform. 109

 

當 As-Saffar 成為第一部長時，他不失時機地排除競爭對手，並利用他的新地位。
根據 Muhammad Gharrit 的說法，當時有一位 Protocol06 的首領「叱吒風雲，獨攬大權」。
他掌管所有供應事宜以及收入和支出來源，無需諮詢 aş-Şaffar"。
As-Şaffar 向蘇丹投訴，蘇丹撤換了違規的官員。
Gharrit 接著說，自此之後，aş-Şaffar 接手「擠乳房、選種子，在Tetuan累積財富」。
107 有關 aş-Şaffär 餘下的執政生涯，資料來源告訴我們的不多，他也只是曇花一現。
例如，在 1859 年夏天，蘇丹 'Abd ar-Rahman 正在衰落，繼承權成疑。
Makhzan 的主心骨是 Muhammad aş-Şaffär。
「法國檔案報告說：
「8 月，兩位英國醫生被召到 Meknes 診治，宣佈他已接近死亡邊緣。
Aş-Şaffar部長是事務的真正主人"。
Aş-Şaffar 在確保他的繼任者、倡導改革的蘇丹穆罕默德四世（185973 年）順利當選方面也發揮了重要作用。109

 

One of the new Sultan's objectives was to rationalize the state structure, and alongside his First Minister he created another position, the Minister of Complaints (wazir ash-shikāyāt), who acted as his eyes and ears in responding to grievances from the local level. To this post he appointed Muhammad aş-Şaffar. The new Minister's task was to receive all kinds of complaints, answering some himself "according to the Sultan's will," referring others to the ruler. Once a week, the Sultan in person would hear plaintiffs, affirming his traditional role of chief judge and final court of appeal. We have a glimpse of the conduct of the office from Ibn Zaydan's Ithaf.

 

新任蘇丹的目標之一是使國家結構合理化，除了第一大臣之外，他還設立了另一個職位--申訴大臣 (wazir ash-shikāyāt)，作為他回應地方申訴的耳目。
他任命 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 擔任此職。
新任部長的任務是接受各種投訴，「根據蘇丹的旨意」親自回答一些投訴，並將其他投訴轉介給統治者。
每週一次，蘇丹會親自聽取原告的訴訟，這體現了他作為首席法官和終審法院的傳統角色。
我們可以從 Ibn Zaydan 的《Ithaf》一覽這個職位的運作。

The custom of the sovereign in apportioning the days of the week was to receive on Sunday those who had a complaint. The Minister delegated to hear the grievances would come forward with a register of plaintiffs and their complaint. listing their name, their nisba," their place of residence, and a statement of the claim. The Sultan would take the register and call them up one by one, examining each until he had seen them all. He followed the claimant's problem closely, sorting out his words until the truth came clear; then he acted accordingly. All the while the Minister of Complaints stood behind the Sultan, holding a similar list.¹¹¹

 

君主在分配週日時的習慣是在週日接見那些有訴求的人。
被委派聽取申訴的大臣會帶著原告登記冊和他們的申訴，列出他們的姓名、「nisba」、居住地和申訴聲明。
蘇丹會拿著登記冊，逐一召見他們，逐一審查，直到全部看完。
他會密切關注索償人的問題，整理他的說話，直到真相大白為止；然後，他會採取相應的行動。
在此期間，申訴大臣站在蘇丹的身後，手持一份類似的名單。

Aş-Şaffar remained in this position throughout the reign of Muhammad IV and into that of his successor, Sultan Hasan I, until his death in 1298/1881.

 

Aş-Şaffar 在穆罕默德四世 (Muhammad IV) 統治期間一直擔任此職務，直至其繼任人哈桑一世 (Sultan Hasan I) 於 1298/1881 年去世。

The loyalty and discretion that marked aş-Şaffär's career at its outset were sustained to the end. Unlike others who fell athwart the royal pleasure and ended their years in banishment, aş-Şaffar's last days were lived in the same closeness to the center as his first. Despite his growing age, he still followed the Sultan's entourage on its travels around Morocco. On one of these expeditions, as the royal party passed through the remote mountain area between Fes and Marrakesh, he became ill. Mulay Hassan's concern for him was so great, it is said, that he gave him his own litter, because the minister was too sick to ride. When they reached the region of the Ibn Zidūh clan near Tadla, aş-Şaffar died. There the Sultan ordered him prepared for burial, and attended the prayers for him. Then his body was returned to the Sultan's litter and carried to Marrakesh, where aş-Şaffar was buried in the garden of the shrine of Sīdī Yūsuf Bin 'Alī, outside of Bab Aghmat, one of the great gates of Marrakesh. 114

 

忠誠和謹慎是 aş-Şaffär 職業生涯開始時的特徵，這一特徵一直保持到職業生涯結束。
與其他辜負皇室恩寵、以放逐告終的人不同，阿斯-沙法爾的最後幾天與他最初的幾天一樣，都是在緊貼中央的情況下度過的。
儘管年事已高，他仍然跟隨蘇丹的隨從周遊摩洛哥。
在其中一次遠征中，當皇室隊伍經過菲斯和馬拉喀什之間的偏遠山區時，他生病了。
據說，Mulay Hassan 對他非常關心，還把自己的轎子給了他，因為大臣病得無法騎馬。
當他們抵達塔德拉附近的 Ibn Zidūh 部族地區時，aş-Şaffar 去世了。
在那裡，蘇丹下令將他預先安葬，並為他做了祈禱。
然後，他的屍體被送回蘇丹的轿子，抬到馬拉喀什，阿什-沙法爾被埋葬在 Bab Aghmat（馬拉喀什的大門之一）外 Sīdī Yūsuf Bin 'Alī 神殿的花園裡。
114

 

The final burial near the saint was performed at the order of the Sultan, as a reward for a life spent in the service of the Makhzan. Paradoxically, it was aş-Şaffar's devotion to the institution he served so long that kept his name alive, while his achievements as a travel writer were soon forgotten. His biographers poured his life into a seamless mold of pious virtue, smoothing over the rough textures that made it unique. No one makes more than passing reference to his trip to France, with the exception of Muhammad Dawud;" and no one speculates on the effect the journey may have had on the rest of his life or work. Nor do we learn from them if his foreign experiences influenced Makhzan policy, although he lived in an age when reform along Western lines was the paramount issue of the day.

 

在聖人附近的最後安葬是根據蘇丹的命令進行的，作為對一生為 Makhzan 服務的獎勵。
自相矛盾的是，正是 aş-Şaffar 對他長期服務的機構的奉獻精神使他的名字得以留存，而他作為一名旅行作家的成就卻很快被人遺忘。
他的傳記作者們將他的一生澆灌成一個無縫的虔誠美德模子，撫平了使其獨一無二的粗糙紋理。
除了 Muhammad Dawud 之外，沒有人提及他的法國之旅，也沒有人推測這次旅行對他後半生或工作的影響。
我們也沒有從他們口中得知他的外國經歷是否影響了 Makhzan 的政策，儘管他所生活的時代，按照西方路線進行改革是當時最重要的議題。

We do learn that the skills of observation and elegance of expression evident in the travel account were also qualities needed in the Makhzan, and that the intelligence and tact that helped him make his way in France were also virtues in the palace of the Sultan. But in order to discover the singularity of the man and of his experience, we must turn to the Rihla(旅行) itself. Just as an account of aş-Şaffar's life complements our understanding of the voyage, the reading of the voyage deepens our knowledge of the man.

 

我們確實了解到，旅行記載中所展現的觀察技巧和優雅的表達方式也是 Makhzan 所需要的品質，而幫助他在法國闖出一片天的智慧和機敏也是蘇丹王宮中的美德。
但是，為了發現此人及其經歷的獨特之處，我們必須從 Rihla(旅行) 遊記本身著手。
正如對 aş-Şaffar 生平的描述補充了我們對航行的理解，對航行的閱讀加深了我們對此人的認識。

NOTES：

72. The main source for aş-Şaffar's life is TT 7:78-98. Other sources consulted include: Taqyid fi tarjamat al-wazir aş-Şaffär, unsigned, BRR #12419 (noted here as the "Anonymous Taqyid"); Ahmad ar-Ruhhüni, "Umdat ar-rawin fì tārīkh Tittawin 6:523-33, Bibliothèque Générale, Tetuan; al-'Abbās b. Ibrahim al-Murrākushi, Al-ilām bi-man halla Murrākush waAghmat min al-a'lam, ed. 'Abd al-Wahab Bin Manşür, 10 vols. (Rabat, 1974-83), 7:34-35; Muhammad Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān fi anba wuzarā

wa-kuttab az-zaman (Fes, 1347/1928), pp. 70-71.

73. Visit of May 1973.

74. See p. 78.

 

75. In Moroccan usage, a successful merchant, often involved in international trade..

76. G. S. Colin, El 1, S. V. "Titţawin." See also J. D. Latham, "The Reconstruction and Expansion of Tetuan: The Period of Andalusian Immigration," Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of Hamilton A. R. Gibb, ed. G. Makdisi (Leiden, 1965), pp. 387-408; A. Joly, "Tétouan," part 2, "Historique," AM 5 (1905): 198-264, 313-18.

77. An-Naşiri, İstiqşā 8:152.

78. In 1242/1826 the governor Muhammad Ash'ash, acting on the orders of Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahmän, imprisoned two leading merchants of Tetuan and "seized their wealth and sent it all to the Sultan." TT 3:278-79.

 

79. Plural of amin: the inspectors of finances in the port.

80. TT 3:236.

81. See p. 76.

82. Captured by the Portuguese in 1415, Ceuta has been under foreign control ever since. It passed to Spain in 1580, was seized by the British in 1810, and returned to Spain at the close of the Napoleonic Wars. Tangier, the residence of the consuls, was held in suspicion by other Moroccans. See A. Rey, "Le Maroc et la question d'Alger," Revue des deux mondes 24 (1840): 618, where the Minister Ibn Idris is quoted as saying: "C'est la ville des chrétiens"; Rey continues, commenting: "Ce n'est plus le Maroc, ce n'est pas encore l'Espagne."

 

83. TT 3:191.

84. See TT 3:206-24, 258-65, for this episode in Tetuan's history. On the Darqawa brotherhood, see El 2, s. v. "Darkāwa." Another cause of displeasure was the tight rein Sulaymän kept on foreign trade, which cut into the profits of local businessmen. J. Brignon et al., Histoire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), p. 281.

 

85. TT 7:78. Aş-Şaffär did not leave behind a fahrasa, or "spiritual autobiography," which would have listed the names of his teachers and the works he studied with them.

 

86. Ibid. The traditional education system in Morocco is the subject of a study by D. Eickelman, "The Art of Memory: Islamic Education and Its Social Reproduction," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20, 4 (1978): 485-516 (see bibliography cited).

87. Abu al-'Abbās b. Muhammad b. 'Abd ar-Rahman al-Filali alHujrātī, shaykh al-jama'a (senior scholar) of the Qarawiyin mosque, regarded as the most learned man of his generation. He died in 1303/1886. Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattānī, Salwat al-anfas wa-muhadathat al-akyas biman uqbir min al-'ulama waş-şulahā', 3 vols. (Fes, 1898), 2:206, 3:9; Lakhdar, La vie littéraire, p. 357 note 193.

88. Terms used by both medieval and modern Arabic writers to broadly distinguish the elite from ordinary people. El 2, s.v. "al-Khāşşa wa'l"Amma."

 

89. Eickelman, "Art of Memory," p. 496.

90. The 'adl's function was to witness contracts between parties and notarize them with the qadī's seal. He also knew legal language and could draw up documents correctly. This post was known as the shahid in the eastern Muslim world. Dozy 2:103.

91. Among his pupils was the Sheikh Mufaddal 'Afilal, a well-known Tetuani of that time, who left a diary mentioning that he began reading the Mukhtaşar Khalil with aş-Şaffär in 1258/1842, the Lamiyat al-Afal of Ibn Malik in 1259/1843, and the Alfiya in 1260/1844. TT 7:78-79. The Mukhtaşar was a "summary" of Imam Malik's Muwatta by Khalil b. Ishaq alJundi, GAL S 2:96; the Lämiyat is a work on philology by Jamal ad-Din b. 'Ali Ibn Malik, GAL S 1:526; the Alfiya, also by Ibn Mälik, is a basic manual on grammar, GAL S 2:522.

 

92. After aş-Şaffar left Tetuan he established a second household in Fes, where he married additional wives up to the Koranic limit of four. Several concubines are also named in his will.

93. Anonymous Taqyid, unpaged. As-Saffär actually began his employment in the time of Ash'ash's father, Muhammad Ash'ash, according to ar-Ruhhüni.

 

94. AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beaumier to de Chasteau, 29 January 1846.

95. See p. 78. cf. also Beaumier's comment: "The ambassador and his suite are... beginning to miss their country." AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beaumier to de Chasteau, 8 February 1846.

96. Dawud found documents bearing aş-Şaffar's 'alama, or official signature, dating from 1263/1846, indicating that he continued to work in the judiciary after his return from France.

97. Id al-Adha, or Id al-Qurban, celebrated on the 10th of Dhū alHijja, the day on which pilgrims to Mecca sacrifice in the valley of Mina. SEI, s.v. "Id al-Adha."

 

98. Abd al-Kabīr b. al-Majdüb al-Fāsī (d. 1296/1879), a descendent of a distinguished Fāsī family, khațib, or preacher, in the sanctuary of Mulay Idris. E. Lévi-Provençal, Les historiens des Chorfa (Paris, 1922), p. 346. Dawud's source was the Qadi Sidi Abd Hafiz al-Fāsī, grandson of Sidi alKabir. The gift, or hadīya, was a token of homage in money or goods presented to the Sultan by local officials on important occasions.

99. TT 7:79-80. Tombs of certain saints were "sacred zones" where asylum could be sought. The sources do not agree on aş-Şaffär's choice of sanctuary. Dawud says he went to the Zawiya Fasiya, and the Anonymous Taqyid agrees. Ar-Ruhhūnī assumed he fled to the shrine of Mulay Idris, the customary place of sanctuary in Fes. The Zawiya Fäsiya is the religious lodge (zawiya) of Sīdī 'Abd al-Qadir al-Fāsī (d. 1680), located in the Qalqaliyin quarter of Fes. N. Cigar, Muhammad al-Qadiri's 'Nashr al-Mathani": The Chronicles (London, 1981), p. 132 and note 7; Lévi-Provençal, Les historiens, pp. 264-65.

The Saffarin is a small square in the heart of the Fes medina near the Library of the Qarawiyin, named for the many metalworkers (saffärin) there.

 

100. TT 7:79. Dawud says the Wazir Ibn Idris "looked favorably" on the letters of appeal and helped gain his release.

101. TT 3:303, 309-34.

102. TT 6:11; 88-91.

 

103. Descriptions of nineteenth-century Moroccan court life can be found in E. Aubin, pseud. (Léon Descos), Morocco of To-day (London, 1906), ch. 12; E. Michaux-Bellaire, "Au palais du Sultan marocain," RMM 5, 8 (August 1908): 647-62; and by the same author, El 1, s.v. "Makhzen." The best Arabic source is 'Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Zaydän, Al-'izz waş-şawla fi ma alim nuzum ad-dawla, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1929-33), vol. 1.

 

104. TT 7:81, 92.

105. The sources do not agree about the date of this appointment, varying by as much as two years, because aş-Şaffär was filling the duties of the office informally long before his official appointment began. TT 7:8081.

106. Qa'id al-mashwar. The mashwar is the large galleried court at the entrance to the royal palace. This official was head of the external palace guard, and master of ceremonies at official events such as military reviews and the greeting of ambassadors. Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:133-34 and glossary, p. 412.

 

107. Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān, pp. 70-71. The Anonymous Taqyid, on the other hand, cites numerous examples of aş-Şaffar's honesty. Aş-Şaffar became wealthy during his service with the Makhzan. His Tetuan residence, acquired later in life, is beautifully decorated with fine tiles and carved woodwork. His position provided opportunities for gain, as it was customary for plaintiffs to give the wazir ash-shikayat (Minister of Complaints, see note 110 below) gifts of money "proportionate to the importance of their claim," according to Michaux-Bellaire; "Un rouage du gouvernement marocain: La beniqat ech chikaïat de Moulay Abd el Hafid," RMM 5, 6 (June 1908): 252.

Aş-Şaffar's will-a document measuring some 30 cm wide and 6 m long-lists all of his heirs, property, debts, and assets. It indicates that he left over thirty pieces of property in Tetuan, Fes, Zerhoun, and Marrakesh worth 42,883 riyāls. He also left 2,600 riyals in debts, which were forgiven after his death by order of Sultan Hasan I. Aş-Şaffär family archives, Tetuan.

108. Miège, Le Maroc 2:359 note 4.

109. Ibid. Later, in 1873, aş-Şaffär was said to have been instrumental in quelling the "tanners' revolt" in Fes, dissuading Sultan Hasan I from bombarding the town by saying: "Fes is the crown jewel of Morocco; if we destroy it, where will we find another?" TT 7:89; al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:299-300.

110. See Laroui, Origines, p. 113; Mohamed Lahbabi, Le gouvernement marocain à l'aube du XXe siècle (Rabat, 1958), pp. 173-81. The Ministry of Complaints was created to relieve the social distress that mounted after the Spanish invasion of Tetuan in 1859. On this office, see Ibn Zaydän, 'Izz 1:50-54; al-Manūnī, Mazahir, and ed. (Casablanca, 1985), 1:43; and note 107 above.

111. A name denoting one's family, tribe, or place of origin.

112. This account is a description of the office under Hasan I, who succeeded Muhammad IV. Ithaf 2:516.

113. The Ibn Zidüh were an important family who supplied governors for the Tadla region.

114. Sidi Yūsuf b. 'Alī, a Sufi saint of the twelfth century, one of the seven patron saints of Marrakesh. G. Deverdun, Marrakech: Des origines à 1912, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1959-66): vol. 1, pp. 378-79; vol. 2, plate 39.

115. Dawud's account of the embassy is in TT 3:295-309. Al-Murrākushi erroneously said the Rihla(旅行) was to England, a mistake corrected in the Bin Manşür edition. See Al-i'lăm 7:35 note 1.

 

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. It will be evident the extent to which Fussell's critical work has influenced my own reading of aş-Şaffär.

 

註解：

72. 有關 aş-Şaffar 生平的主要資料來源是 TT 7:78-98。
其他參考資料包括 Taqyid fi tarjamat al-wazir aş-Şaffär，未署名，BRR #12419（在此注明为 「匿名 Taqyid」）；Ahmad ar-Ruhhüni，"Umdat ar-rawin fì tārīkh Tittawin 6:523-33，Bibliothèque Générale，Tetuan；al-'Abbās b．Ibrahim al-Murrākushi, Al-ilām bi-man halla Murrākush waAghmat min al-a'lam, ed. 'Abd al-Wahab Bin Manşür, 10 vols. (Rabat, 1974-83), 7:34-35; Muhammad Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān fi anba wuzarā

wa-kuttab az-zaman (Fes, 1347/1928), pp.

73. 1973 年 5 月的訪問。

74. 見第 78 頁。

75. 在摩洛哥的用法中，指一位成功的商人，經常參與國與國之間的貿易。

76. G. S. Colin, El 1, S. V. 「Titţawin」. 另請參閱 J. D. Latham，「Tetuan 的重建與擴張」：
 The Period of Andalusian Immigration，" Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of Hamilton A. R. Gibb，ed. G. Makdisi (Leiden, 1965), pp. 387-408; A. Joly, 「Tétouan,」 part 2, 「Historique,」 AM 5 (1905)：
 198-264, 313-18.

77. An-Naşiri, İstiqşā 8:152.

78. 1242/1826 年，總督 Muhammad Ash「ash 奉蘇丹 」Abd ar-Rahmän 之命，監禁了兩名Tetuan的主要商人，並「攫取了他們的財富，全部送交蘇丹」。
TT 3:278-79.

79. Amin 的複數：
港口的財務稽查員。

80. TT 3:236.

81. 見第 76 頁。

82. 休達於 1415 年被葡萄牙人奪取，自此一直由外國控制。
1580 年歸屬西班牙，1810 年被英國人奪取，拿破崙戰爭結束後又歸還西班牙。
丹吉爾（Tangier）是領事們的居住地，受到其他摩洛哥人的懷疑。
見 A. Rey, 「Le Maroc et la question d'Alger,」 Revue des deux mondes 24 (1840)：
 618，其中引用了部長 Ibn Idris 的話：
 「C'est la ville des chrétiens」; Rey 繼續評論道：
 Rey 繼續評論道：
「Ce n'est plus le Maroc, ce n'est pas encore l'Espagne」。

83. TT 3:191。

84. 有關 Tetuan 歷史中的這段插曲，請參閱 TT 3:206-24, 258-65。
關於 Darqawa 兄弟會，見 El 2, s. v. 「Darkāwa」。
另一個不愉快的原因是蘇萊曼嚴格控制對外貿易，削減了當地商人的利潤。
J. Brignon et al., Histoire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), p. 281。

85. TT 7:78. Aş-Şaffär 並未留下 fahrasa 或「靈性自傳」，這本自傳會列出他的老師姓名以及他跟他們學習的作品。

86. 同上。
摩洛哥的傳統教育制度是 D. Eickelman 的研究主題，「記憶的藝術：
 Islamic Education and Its Social Reproduction," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20, 4 (1978)：
 485-516 (請參閱引用書目)。

87. Abu al-'Abbās b. Muhammad b. 「Abd ar-Rahman al-Filali alHujrātī，Qarawiyin 清真寺的 shaykh al-jama」a（資深學者），被譽為他那一代最博學的人。
他於 1303/1886 年逝世。
Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattānī, Salwat al-anfas wa-muhadathat al-akyas bi-man uqbir min al-'ulama waş-şulahā', 3 vols. (Fes, 1898), 2:206, 3:9; Lakhdar, La vie littéraire, p. 357 note 193.

88. 中世紀和現代阿拉伯作家使用的詞彙，廣泛區分精英與普通人。
El 2, s.v. 「al-Khāşşa wa'l」Amma」.

89. Eickelman, 「Art of Memory,」 p. 496。

90. adl 的職責是見證雙方簽訂的契約，並蓋上 qadī 的印章進行公證。
他也懂得法律語言，能正確地起草文件。
這個職位在東方穆斯林世界稱為沙希德 (shahid)。
Dozy 2:103.

91. 在他的學生中，有當時著名的泰圖阿尼人 Sheikh Mufaddal 'Afilal，他留下的日記提到他在 1258/1842 年開始閱讀 Mukhtaşar Khalil 與 aş-Şaffär，在 1259/1843 年閱讀 Ibn Malik 的 Lamiyat al-Afal，在 1260/1844 年閱讀 Alfiya。
TT 7:78-79. Mukhtaşar 是 Khalil b. Ishaq alJundi 對 Imam Malik 的 Muwatta 的「摘要」，GAL S 2:96；Lämiyat 是 Jamal ad-Din b. 'Ali Ibn Malik 的語言學著作，GAL S 1:526；Alfiya 也是 Ibn Mälik 所著，是一本基本的文法書，GAL S 2:522。

92. 阿斯-沙法爾 (aş-Şaffar) 離開Tetuan之後，在菲斯建立了第二個家庭，他在那裡娶了更多的妻子，最多達到古蘭經規定的四個。
在他的遺囑中也提到了幾個妾室。

93. 匿名 Taqyid，未分頁。
根據 ar-Ruhhüni 的說法，As-Saffär 實際上是在 Ash「ash 的父親 Muhammad Ash」ash 時期開始受僱的。

94. AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beaumier 致 de Chasteau，1846 年 1 月 29 日。

95. 參見第 78 頁。
另參閱 Beaumier 的評論：
 「大使和他的隨從......開始懷念他們的國家了」。
AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beaumier 致 de Chasteau，1846 年 2 月 8 日。

96. Dawud 發現了印有 aş-Şaffar'alama 或官方標誌的文件，日期為 1263/1846 年，表明他從法國回國後仍在司法機構工作。

97. Id al-Adha，或 Id al-Qurban，在 Dhū alHijja 的 10 號慶祝，這一天麥加的朝聖者在米納山谷獻祭。
SEI，s.v. 「Id al-Adha」。

98. Abd al-Kabīr b. al-Majdüb al-Fāsī（卒於 1296/1879），Fāsī 傑出家族的後裔，Mulay Idris 聖地的 khațib，或傳道者。
E. Lévi-Provençal, Les historiens des Chorfa (Paris, 1922), p. 346。
Dawud 的來源是 Sidi alKabir 的孫子 Qadi Sidi Abd Hafiz al-Fāsī。
禮物或 Hadīya 是地方官員在重要場合預先送給蘇丹的金錢或物品，以表敬意。

99. TT 7:79-80. 某些聖人的墳墓是可以尋求庇護的「聖地」。
關於 aş-Şaffär 選擇的庇護所，資料來源並不一致。
Dawud 說他去了 Zawiya Fasiya，而 Anonymous Taqyid 也同意這個說法。
Ar-Ruhhūnī 假定他逃到 Mulay Idris 的聖地，也就是費斯慣常的聖所。
Zawiya Fäsiya 是 Sīdī 'Abd al-Qadir al-Fāsī（卒於 1680 年）的宗教小屋 (zawiya)，位於菲斯的 Qalqaliyin 區。
N. Cigar，《Muhammad al-Qadiri 的 'Nashr al-Mathani：
 The Chronicles (London, 1981), p. 132 and note 7; Lévi-Provençal, Les historiens, pp.

Saffarin 是菲斯麥地納中心靠近 Qarawiyin Library 的一個小廣場，因那裡有許多金屬工人 (saffärin) 而得名。

100. TT 7:79. Dawud 說，Wazir Ibn Idris 對上訴信 「很有好感」，並協助他獲得釋放。

101. TT 3:303, 309-34。

102. TT 6:11; 88-91.

103. 有關十九世紀摩洛哥宮廷生活的描述，請參閱 E. Aubin, pseud. (Léon Descos), Morocco of To-day (London, 1906), ch. 12; E. Michaux-Bellaire, 「Au palais du Sultan marocain,」 RMM 5, 8 (August 1908)：
 647-62; 以及同一作者，El 1，s.v. 「Makhzen」。
最好的阿拉伯文來源是 'Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Zaydän, Al-'izz waş-şawla fi ma alim nuzum ad-dawla, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1929-33), vol. 1.

104. TT 7:81, 92。

105. 由於 aş-Şaffär 在正式任命開始前很久就以非正式的方式擔任此職務，因此有關任命日期的資料來源並不一致，相差達兩年之多。
TT 7:8081。

106. Qa'id al-mashwar。
mashwar 是王宮入口處的大型廊庭。
這位官員是宮殿外部衛隊的首領，也是官方活動的司儀，例如軍事審查和迎接大使。
Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:133-34 和詞彙表、

107. Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān, pp. 匿名的 Taqyid 則舉了許多 aş-Şaffar 誠實的例子。
Aş-Şaffar 在 Makhzan 服役期間變得富有。
他晚年在Tetuan（Tetuan）購買的住宅裝飾精美，鋪設了精美的瓷磚和木雕。
他的地位提供了賺錢的機會，因為根據 Michaux-Bellaire 的說法，原告通常會送錢給 wazir ash-shikayat（告狀部長，請參閱下文註 110），「與他們索賠的重要性成正比」；「Un rouage du gouvernement marocain：
 La beniqat ech chikaïat de Moulay Abd el Hafid," RMM 5, 6 (June 1908)：
 252.

Aş-Şaffar 的遺囑 一份寬約 30 公分、長約 6 公尺的文件 列出了他所有的繼承人、財產、債務和資產。
遺囑指出，他在Tetuan、費斯、澤洪和馬拉喀什留下了三十多處財產，價值 42,883 里亞爾。
他也留下了 2,600 里亞爾的債務，這些債務在他死後由蘇丹哈桑一世下令免除。
Aş-Şaffär 家族檔案，Tetuan。

108. Miège, Le Maroc 2:359 註 4。

109. 同上。
其後，在 1873 年，據說 aş-Şaffär 在平息菲斯的「皮匠起義」中發揮了重要作用，他說蘇丹哈桑一世（Sultan Hasan I）不應轟炸該城：
 「菲斯是摩洛哥皇冠上的明珠；如果我們摧毀了它，我們到哪裡去找另一顆明珠呢？TT 7:89; al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:299-300.

110. 見 Laroui, Origines, p. 113; Mohamed Lahbabi, Le gouvernement marocain à l'aube du XXe siècle (Rabat, 1958), pp. 1859 年西班牙入侵Tetuan (Tetuan) 後，為了紓解社會困擾，成立了申訴部 (Ministry of Complaints)。
關於這個部門，請參閱 Ibn Zaydän, 'Izz 1:50-54；al-Manūnī, Mazahir, and ed. (Casablanca, 1985)，1:43；及上文註釋 107。

111. 表示一個人的家庭、部落或出生地的名字。

112. 這段記載描述的是接替穆罕默德四世的哈桑一世 (Hasan I) 所擔任的職位。
Ithaf 2:516.

113. Ibn Zidüh 是一個重要的家族，為 Tadla 地區提供總督。

114. Sidi Yūsuf b. 'Alī 是十二世紀的蘇非聖人，也是馬拉喀什的七位護法聖人之一。
G. Deverdun, Marrakech：
 Des origines à 1912, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1959-66): vol. 1, pp.

115. Dawud 的使節記載於 TT 3:295-309。
Al-Murrākushi 錯誤地說 Rihla(旅行) 是到英國，Bin Manşür 版本糾正了這個錯誤。
請參閱 Al-i'lăm 7:35 註 1。

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad：
 Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. Fussell 的批判性著作在多大程度上影響了我自己對 aş-Şaffär 的閱讀，這將是顯而易見的。

1-7Meanings in the Encounter

1-7相遇的意義

 

The significance of aş-Şaffar's journey to France lies both in its uniqueness and in its universality. In the pages of the Rihla(旅行), a mute voice from the past comes alive in all its nuances, giving us entry into a world otherwise inaccessible. If the value of the travel account lies in its literalness and its "continual reference to actuality," then here we find ourselves in the presence ence of the real. The fact that illuminates, the impression based on a clairvoyant naïveté, contain within them the humanness of the account. Given our limited knowledge of the times, and the absence of other voices that speak with equal clarity, it is the particularity of the Rihla(旅行) that enlarges our understanding.

 

aş-Şaffar 的法國之旅的意義在於其獨特性和普遍性。
在 Rihla(旅行) 的書頁中，一個來自過去的啞巴聲音以其細微的差異栩栩如生地呈現在我們眼前，讓我們得以進入一個原本無法進入的世界。
如果旅遊記載的價值在於其字面意義及其「不斷參照實際情況」，那麼在這裡，我們發現自己置身於真實的存在之中。
事實上，敘述、基於千里眼的天真印象，包含了敘述的人性。
由於我們對那個時代的認識有限，也沒有其他同樣清晰的聲音，因此，Rihla(旅行) 的特殊性擴大了我們的理解。

 

@@在阿拉伯文中，“Rihla(旅行)”的意思是“旅行”。

But the voyage also strikes chords that go beyond the concrete, especially when the text is examined through prisms other than the strictly historical. In this section, I shall propose ways of interpreting aş-Şaffar's Rihla(旅行) that evoke deeper levels of meaning. Anthropologists have had insights into the nature of the travel experience, and literary critics have elaborated on the structure and content of its narrative expression; both inform my effort.

 

但是，這次航行也喚起了超越具體的共鳴，尤其是當透過嚴格歷史以外的稜鏡來檢視文本時。
在本節中，我將提出詮釋 aş-Şaffar 的 Rihla(旅行) 的方法，以喚起更深層次的意義。
人類學家對於旅行經驗的本質有深刻的見解，
文學評論家對於旅行經驗敘事表達的結構和內容也有詳細的闡述；兩者都為我的努力提供了參考。

Critic Paul Fussell has said that travel literature is a genre that bridges two modes of perception: first, the actual, nonfanciful, physical world; second, an imaginative mode, where the specific becomes the general, fact becomes figure, and observation is transformed into vision. "A travel book is like a poem in giving universal significance to a local texture."117 His subject is British travel writing between the two world wars, but his comment applies with equal force to the Rihla(旅行) of Muhammad aş-Şaffär, suggesting that the best examples of this genre, regardless of their particular cultural matrix, possess corresponding qualities of universality.

 

評論家 Paul Fussell 說，
旅行文學是一種橋接兩種感知模式的文學體裁：
第一種是實際的、非幻想的、實體的世界；
第二種是想像的模式，在這種模式中，具體變為一般，事實變為形象，觀察變為視覺。
「117 他的主題是兩次世界大戰之間的英國旅遊著作，但他的評論同樣適用於 Muhammad aş-Şaffär的《Rihla(旅行)》，說明這種體裁的最佳範例，不論其特殊的文化基底，都具備相應的普遍性特質。

For most of us, travel to distant places is a magical and transforming life event. Anthropologists have long noted the effect travel has on human perceptions and behavior, and especially its ability to transport us out of the ordinary, or "profane," into a time and space that become endowed with "sacred" qualities. Whether for pleasure or duty, travel is an interlude that interposes itself into daily life, separating the humdrum from the marvelous; indeed, the very alternation between the two states of ordinary and extraordinary can become a measure of the passage of time itself. One way we count the stages of our lives, says Nelson Graburn, is through fluctuations between the sacred and the profane. Travel helps define time for us, by composing life into segments marked by rituals of leaving and returning. 119

 

對我們大多數人而言，到遙遠的地方旅行是一件神奇且跨越時空的人生大事。
人類學家早已注意到旅行對人類觀念與行為的影響，尤其是它能將我們從平凡或「褻瀆」的生活中帶入一個具有「神聖」特質的時空。
無論是出於懇求或職責，旅行都是穿插在日常生活中的一段插曲，將平凡與奇妙分隔開來；事實上，平凡與不平凡這兩種狀態的交替，可以成為時間流逝本身的量度。
Nelson Graburn 說，我們計算人生階段的一種方式，就是透過神聖與平凡之間的交替。
旅行幫助我們定義時間，將生命組合成以離去與回歸儀式為標誌的片段。
119

 

These two events, the wrenching departure and the ecstatic return, bracket the voyage and transport it to the level of the uncommon. Fussell notices the "tripartite" structure of the travel account, in which the protagonist, like a romantic hero, leaves the familiar and wanders into the unknown: "First, the setting out, the disjunction from the familiar; second, the trials of initiation and adventure; and third, the hero's return and reintegration into society." The voyage is like a "microlife, with a bright beginning, a middle, and an end. marked by rituals that thrust us irreversibly down life's path."

 

這兩件事，令人心碎的出發和欣喜若狂的再轉身，把整個旅程括起來，並把它帶到未知的層面。
Fussell 注意到旅行記載的 「三段式 」結構，其中的主角就像一個浪漫的英雄，離開熟悉的環境，遊走於未知的世界：
第一，出發，從熟悉的環境中脫離；
第二，開始與冒險的考驗；
第三，英雄的回歸與重新融入社會」。
航程就像一個「微觀生命，有明顯的開、中、結，以儀式為標記，將我們不可逆轉地推向生命之路」。

In aş-Şaffar's Rihla(旅行), the setting out from the ordinary, and the transition to a heightened intellectual and emotional state, come through with special clarity. Although the Moroccan scholar is an unlikely figure for a heroic adventurer, he nevertheless undergoes an extraordinary experience, and his words give an indication of his excitation. On leaving Tetuan, he aches at the parting: "O my splendid Tetuan," he poetizes, "will fate allow us to come home, and will we meet again after the crashing waves, will we be reunited?" The pain of separation is compounded by his fear of the sea. The ocean voyage is more than a passage to the unknown, it is a flirtation with death, and here the emotion is also archetypal, for often in the back of the traveler's mind is the fear of dying far from home.

 

在 aş-Şaffar 的《Rihla(旅行)》中，擺脫平凡、過渡到更高的智力和情感狀態，都特別清晰。
儘管這位摩洛哥學者不太可能是一位英勇的冒險家，但他卻經歷了非凡的體驗，而他的說話也顯示出他的興奮。
在離開德端時，他對離別感到痛心：
 「我壯麗的Tetuan啊，」
他詩意地說，
"命運會讓我們回家嗎？我們會在驚波駭浪之後重逢嗎？他對大海的恐懼加重了離別的痛苦。
遠洋航行不僅是通往未知世界的通道，更是與死亡的調情，這裡的情感也具有原型性，因為在旅行者的腦海中，往往存在著對遠離家鄉而死去的恐懼。

The return is also fraught with difficulties. Stepping back into the familiar, the traveler is caught in emotional ambivalence. Coming home not only means rejoining missed loved ones; it also means returning to the constraints of normal life and leaving behind the magic of the journey. 123 In the Rihla(旅行) there is no description of the homecoming; nevertheless, there is an emotional climax. On the final page of the manuscript, aş-Şaffär takes leave of France by saying: "May God forgive me for what my hands have committed, for the repulsive abominations my eyes have witnessed, and for the abhorrent blasphemies and confused mutterings of the misguided that my ears have heard." This remark represents closure: it is both an acknowledgment of the wonders seen, and a disavowal of association with them. With it, aş-Şaffar consciously breaks away from the enchantment of the sacred experience, and begins the reentry into the ordinary.

 

回程也充滿困難。
回到熟悉的地方，旅行者陷入情感的矛盾。
回家不僅意味著與思念的親人重逢，也意味著回到正常生活的束縛中，拋開旅途的魔力。
123 在 Rihla(旅行) 中沒有回家的描述，然而卻有情感的高潮。
在手稿的最後一頁，aş-Şaffär 向法國告別時說：
「願主原諒我的遭遇：
 「願上帝原諒我的雙手所犯下的罪行，原諒我的雙眼所目睹的令人厭惡的惡行，原諒我的雙耳所聽到的駭人聽聞的褻瀆之言和誤入歧途者的混亂嘟囔」。
這句話代表了結束：
它既是對所見奇事的承認，也是對與奇事關係的否定。
有了這句話，阿斯-沙法爾有意識地擺脫了神聖經驗的迷惑，開始重新回到平凡。

The threefold structure of the journey elevates it into "an allegory of human life itself,"125 and like life, it has moments high and low. Some of what aş-Şaffär saw in France concerns the mundane, but much also relates to his meeting with the strange, the bizarre, and the unexpected. The novelty of the subject is the source of its difficulty as well as its fascination. In the culture from which aşŞaffar came, the unprecedented was suspect, the new could be dangerous. Franz Rosenthal notes that, in the manuscript age, "the ultimate success of new ideas which did not fit in with dominant systems of thought was uncertain. If a new idea did not find the approval of a comparatively large group of scholars in a comparatively short interval of time, it was likely to be buried in a library, with an infinitesimal chance of subsequent rediscovery."126 For one who had to report on so much that was unfamiliar, the issue of credibility loomed large. In order for his ideas to be accepted, they had to be cast in forms that were recognized and approved by the keepers of tradition. Fearing that his report would be rejected by his learned peers, aş-Şaffär knew that to make the new wine most palatable, it had to be served in old bottles.

 

旅程的三重結構將它提升為「人類生命本身的血肉」125，就像生命一樣，它有高潮和低潮的時刻。
Aş-Şaffär 在法國的所見所聞，有些與世俗有關，但也有很多與他遇到的奇特、怪異和意想不到的事物有關。
主題的新穎性是其難度與魅力的來源。
在 aşŞaffar 來自的文化中，前所未見是令人懷疑的，而新的事物則可能是可怕的。
Franz Rosenthal 指出，在手稿時代，"不符合主流思想體系的新思想能否取得最終的成功是不確定的。
如果一個新觀點不能在相對較短的時間內得到相對較多學者的認同，它很可能會被埋藏在圖書館中，隨後被重新發現的機會微乎其微 "126。
為了使他的觀點被接受，這些觀點必須以傳統守護者認可和批准的形式出現。
Aş-Şaffär 擔心他的報告會被學識淵博的同行所拒絕，他知道要讓新酒最容易入口，就必須用舊瓶盛酒。

Other realities weighed on him as well. It may be recalled that the Sultan was interested in the project, thus raising it to a higher level of seriousness. The report would be scrutinized and discussed at court, and perhaps would be read by Mulay Abd ar-Rahman himself. Some in the entourage would be friends from student days; others would be related through family or patronage; all would be men of his own social class. In order not to disgrace himself or his patron Ash'ash, he had to perform well. His account had to be endowed with qualities of erudition, respect, and ideological correctness that would commend it to the inner circle; moreover, it had to have the accuracy, literary elegance, and proper form expected from a man of letters. It is not surprising that aş-Şaffär struggled with the task.

 

其他的現實也對他造成壓力。
大家可能還記得，蘇丹對這個專案很感興趣，因此將其提升到更高的嚴肅層級。
報告會在宮廷中被仔細審閱和討論，也許會由 Mulay Abd ar-Rahman 本人閱讀。
隨從中有些人是學生時代的朋友，有些人則是透過家族或贊助而建立的關係；所有這些人都是他自己的社會階級。
為了不讓自己或其贊助人 Ash'ash 蒙羞，他必須好好表現。
他的記述必須具有博學、尊重和意識形態正確的特質，這樣才能得到內部圈子的讚賞；此外，它還必須具有文人應有的準確性、文學上的優雅和正確的形式。
因此，aş-Şaffär 在這項任務上掙扎不已也就不足為奇了。

What elements of style gave it the "right" qualities? First of all, there was as-Saffar's decision to cast the report as a Rihla(旅行), a timehonored literary form having roots deep in the classical tradition. While travel accounts have been written in many places and times, the genre flourished to a luxuriant degree in Spain and the Maghrib. Devout in their faith, yet distant from its sources in Arabia, Maghribis were dutiful in performing the pilgrimage, or hajj, to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. The pilgrimage account, by which the pilgrim shared his adventure with others, was the archetypal sacred story: the invocations to God, the stages of the journey, the dangers passed, the achievement of the distant goal, were recognized points in a formalized narrative structure. Reaching the Holy Places was the emotional high point in which all events in the journey were subsumed; its attainment gave form and purpose to the voyage and rendered it meaningful in a way that a simple chronological account could not. In time, the genre of the Rihla(旅行) expanded to include accounts of journeys for other purposes, such as study or diplomacy, but the most perfect model for travel and its narration remained the pilgrimage to the Holy Places of the Hijaz.

 

是什麼樣的風格元素賦予它 「正確 」的特質呢？
首先，as-Saffar 決定將報告寫成 Rihla(旅行)，這是一種在古典傳統中根深蒂固、歷久不衰的文學形式。
儘管遊記在許多地方和時代都有記載，但這種文體在西班牙和馬格裡布（Maghrib）卻發展得十分蓬勃。
馬格里布人信仰虔誠，但卻遠離阿拉伯的源頭，他們盡忠職守，前往聖城麥加和麥地那朝拜。
朝聖者與他人分享其冒險經歷的朝聖紀錄，是典型的神聖故事：
對神的祈求、旅途的階段、經歷的危險、達成遙遠目標等，都是形式化敘事結構中的重點。
到達聖地是情感的最高點，旅程中的所有事件都歸入其中；達成這一目標賦予了航行的形式和目的，並使其有意義，而簡單的時間邏輯記載則無法做到這一點。
隨著時間的推移，Rihla(旅行) 的體裁也擴展到其他目的的旅行記載，如學習或外交，但最完美的旅行及其敘述模式仍然是前往希吉茲的聖地朝聖。

The Maghribi tradition of the Rihla(旅行) was a part of aş-Şaffar's cultural apparatus, providing the logical form in which to cast his travel experience. More important, it was also known to his readers---so much so that reading the Prologue of his text, which recalls the opening words of the pilgrimage account, must have been as reassuring as the incantation of a sacred text. 127

 

馬格里比傳統的 Rihla(旅行) 是 aş-Şaffar 文化裝置的一部分，為他的旅行經歷提供了合乎邏輯的形式。
更重要的是，這也是他的讀者所熟知的--以至於在閱讀他的文本序言時，回想起朝聖記載的開場白，一定會像聖經的咒語一樣令人安心。
127

 

But here there is a problem. The highest and purest form of journey is to the sources of Islam, to the holiest shrines of the faith. A journey to the West, on the other hand, is an inversion: it is a voyage to the unholy and the impure. In the West, the Muslim traveler was subjected to the rules and temptations of a society that was at its core corrupt. There, it was a trial to carry out the duties of the faith; there too, the threat of pollution was omnipresent. The problem for as-Saffar (as well as for other Muslim travelers to Europe) was how to shake off the clinging odor of the impure, and to justify the undertaking to those left behind.

 

但這裡有一個問題。
最高、最純潔的旅行形式是前往伊斯蘭教的源頭，前往信仰最神聖的聖地。
另一方面，前往西方的旅程卻是一種顛倒：
它是前往不聖潔、不純淨之地的旅程。
在西方，穆斯林旅行者要面對以腐敗為核心的社會規則和誘惑。
在那裡，履行信仰的責任是一種考驗；在那裡，污染的威脅也無所不在。
As-Saffar (以及其他前往歐洲的穆斯林旅行者) 所面臨的問題是如何擺脫不潔的氣味，並向留守者證明此行的正當。

Aş-Şaffar was conscious of this problem, and his solution is to invoke the formula of maşalih al-umma, "the welfare of the Islamic people." The journey, according to this argument, merits the approval of the community because it conforms to religious values of protecting the faithful. Aş-Şaffär says that the Sultan dispatched the mission because he was "mindful of his duty to watch over the. affairs of all our people"; indeed, he goes on to say that the protection of the Islamic community has always been a concern of its leaders. "The Prophet... sent out the best from among his companions on missions, providing an example followed by the rightly guided caliphs and imams." No higher authority than this-the precedent set by the early followers of the faith-could be invoked to set a seal of approval on the venture. The concurrence of the community in the voyage is an essential element in travel, says Graburn, so that the expenditure of time and effort that could be devoted to other social purposes is justified. 129 By associating his effort with the sacred pilgrimage, and by invoking the beneficial results of diplomacy in the past, as-Saffär seeks approval by locating the undertaking within the mainstream of a long tradition.

 

Aş-Şaffar意識到了這個問題，他的解決方案是援引maşalih al-umma的公式，即 「伊斯蘭人民的福祉」。
根據這個論據，這次旅行值得社會的認同，因為它符合保護信徒的宗教價值觀。
Aş-Şaffär說，蘇丹派遣使團是因為他 「牢記自己有責任監督我們所有人民的事務」；事實上，他繼續說，保護伊斯蘭社區一直是其領導人關注的問題。
「先知......從他的同伴中派出最優秀的人執行使命，為受到正確引導的哈里發和伊瑪目樹立了榜樣」。
沒有比這個更高的權威--信仰的早期追隨者開創的先例--可以被援引來為這次冒險設置批准印章。
Graburn 說，社會大眾對於航行的贊同是旅行的基本要素，如此一來，原本可以用於其他社會目的的時間與精力的支出就有了合理的理由。
129 薩法爾將自己的努力與神聖的朝聖聯繫起來，並援引過去的 「獻身 」所帶來的好處，將自己的 「獻身 」定位在悠久傳統的主流中，從而尋求認同。

Although aş-Şaffar had no prior direct experience of France, he most certainly had preconceived notions about Europe from others who had traveled, and from his own knowledge of social organization in general. His education not only provided him with the literary model of the Rihla(旅行), it also gave him concepts about the way society is structured, derived in large measure from the writing of Ibn Khaldūn, the fourteenth-century Maghribi historian, philosopher, and social theorist. Ibn Khaldūn's Muqaddima was the rich and abundant source from which aş-Şaffar drew his ideas about geography, society, and the nature of political authority. 130

 

儘管阿斯-薩法爾之前並沒有法國的直接經驗，但他肯定從其他旅行過的人，以及他自己對一般社會組織的知識，對歐洲有先入為主的觀念。
他所受的教育不僅為他提供了 (Rihla(旅行)) 的文學模式，還給予他關於社會結構方式的觀念，這些觀念在很大程度上來自十四世紀馬格裡布 (Maghribi) 歷史學家、哲學家和社會理論家伊本‧哈爾敦 (Ibn Khaldūn)的著作。
Ibn Khaldūn的Muqaddima是aş-Şaffar汲取其關於地理、社會和政治權力本質的豐富而充實的來源。
130

 

Ibn Khaldün was concerned with culture ('umran) and the way it manifested itself in society. For him, the most efficient way for mankind to live is in groups, and the survival and prosperity of the group is dependent on the degree of cooperation among its members. When aş-Şaffar says France is a "center of civilization," he sees the Khaldunian ideal in action-large numbers of people working industriously and in harmony. Aş-Şaffar also adopted Ibn Khaldun's notions of political power. The Maghribi philosopher believed that men in their natural state are selfish and aggressive, and have to be restrained by force. The well-run society is characterized by a strong king and army, and sound finances to support them. Aş-Şaffar's concern for military and money matters in the pages of the Rihla(旅行) is not only a reflection of Morocco's predicament; it is also a projection of his belief, based on his reading of Ibn Khaldūn, that they are the twin pillars of the secure state.

 

伊本‧哈爾敦 (Ibn Khaldün) 關注文化 ('umran)，以及文化在社會中的表現方式。
在他看來，人類最有效的生活方式是群體生活，而群體的生存與繁榮取決於成員間的合作程度。
當阿斯-沙法爾說法國是「文明的中心」時，他看到的是卡爾敦理想的實踐--大量的人辛勤工作、和諧共處。
Aş-Şaffar 也採納了 Ibn Khaldun 的政治權力觀念。
這位馬格裡比哲學家認為，人在自然狀態下是自私和好鬥的，必須用武力來約束。
管理良好的社會的特點是有強大的國王和軍隊，以及健全的財政來支持他們。
Aş-Şaffar 在《Rihla(旅行)》中對軍事和財政問題的關注不僅反映了摩洛哥的困境，也是他在閱讀 Ibn Khaldūn（伊本-哈爾敦）的基礎上所建立的信念的投射，即它們是安全國家的雙重支柱。

Ibn Khaldūn's theories of social organization provided aş-Şaffär with a blueprint for the productive society. The landscapes filled with houses and buildings, the workshops humming with activity, the plowed and cultivated fields that aş-Şaffär saw in France were signs of the advanced civilization he recognized from the pages of the Muqaddima. Even the Sultan's "speech from the throne" on New Year's Day is an expression of Khaldunian notions of royal authority. These ideas were part of the body of tradition transmitted from one generation of Moroccan scholars to the next in the restricted milieu of higher learning; familiar to the well-educated, they reverberated and evoked recognition in the minds of those who read the Rihla(旅行). The invocation of his Maghribi predecessor allowed aş-Şaffar a certain amount of latitude; by casting his vision of France in the Khaldunian mode, he could express admiration for the French and their achievements, while staying within the bounds of the culturally permissible. He was able to do this because French society, at least in its outward aspects, seemed to him to conform to a fourteenth-century Islamic idea of the well-run state.

 

Ibn Khaldūn的社會組織理論為aş-Şaffär提供了生產社會的藍圖。
aş-Şaffär 在法國看到的充滿房屋和建築的風景、嗡嗡作響的作坊、耕耘的田地，都是他從《穆卡迪馬》中認識到的先進文明的跡象。
即使是蘇丹在元旦的「王位演說」也是卡爾敦王權觀念的表達。
這些思想是摩洛哥學者在嚴格的高等學府環境中代代相傳的傳統的一部分；受過良好教育的人對這些思想耳熟能詳，它們在讀書人的腦海中迴響，並喚起他們的認同。
對馬格里布前輩的引用允許了 aş-Şaffar 一定程度的自由度；通過以卡爾敦的模式描繪他對法國的願景，他可以表達對法國人及其成就的欽佩，同時保持在文化允許的範圍內。
他之所以能夠做到這一點，是因為在他看來，法國社會，至少在其外在方面，似乎符合 14 世紀伊斯蘭教對於良好管理國家的想法。

If Ibn Khaldūn contributed the scaffolding for aş-Şaffar's narrative, it was at-Tahtawi who provided material for construction. One oblique mention of the Egyptian writer is all that is made, but a comparison of the two voyages shows that aş-Şaffär borrowed much from the Egyptian. Whether aş-Şaffär read at-Tahtāwī's Takhlis while he was still in France, or found a copy of it in Morocco after his return, is impossible to tell. But at some point the book lay open before him, and he took extensive notes. Similarities in style, format, details, even turns of phrase betray a borrowing that would be deemed plagiaristic by Western standards, but in the Islamic tradition merely indicates confidence in a reliable source.

 

如果說 Ibn Khaldūn 為 aş-Şaffar 的敘事提供了腳手架，那麼 at-Tahtawi 則提供了建造的材料。
書中只提到一位埃及作家，但兩次航行的比較顯示，aş-Şaffär 從埃及人那裡借用了很多東西。
無論 aş-Şaffär 是在法國時讀過 at-Tahtāwī 的《Takhlis》，還是回國後在 Morocco 發現了這本書的副本，都無從得知。
但在某個時候，這本書在他面前打開，他做了大量的筆記。
風格、格式、細節，甚至詞句的相似性都透露出借用的意味，以西方的標準來看，這種借用會被視為剽竊，但在伊斯蘭傳統中，這僅僅表示對可靠來源的信心。

An 'alim like aş-Şaffär, at-Tahtāwī fulfilled a similar role: to provide spiritual guidance to a group of Muslim laymen in a foreign culture. The two men were steeped in the same sources and shared a worldview; although they never met, they enjoyed a spiritual kinship that made aş-Şaffar's borrowing that much simpler. Aş-Şaffar esteemed at-Tahțāwī for yet another reason. The Egyptian had spent nearly five years in Paris, the Moroccan only fifty days. By his own admission, aş-Şaffar was deficient in his knowledge of French society. What he lacked in his own experience he sought in at-Tahţawi.

 

像 aş-Şaffär 和 at-Tahtāwī 的 'alim 擔任著類似的職責：
在異國文化中為一群穆斯林信徒提供精神指引。
雖然他們從未見過面，但他們在靈性上的親密關係使阿斯-薩法爾的借用變得更加簡單。
Aş-Şaffar 推崇 at-Tahțāwī 還有另一個原因。
埃及人在巴黎待了將近五年，而摩洛哥人只待了五十天。
他自己也承認，aş-Şaffar 對法國社會的認識不足。
他在自己的經驗中所缺乏的，他在 at-Tahţawi 中尋找。

However, there are limitations to the similarity between the two accounts, for circumstances made them quite different. When atTahtawi left Egypt for France in 1826, the movement for reform in his country was already well under way, backed by the iron will of the Khedive Muhammad Ali. Patterns of change taking shape in Egypt were not yet considered in Morocco, nor would they be for decades. Many of the Egyptian's comments on French philosophy, politics, social mores, and scientific learning were incomprehensible to the Moroccan, and certain topics mentioned in the Takhlis are simply absent in aş-Şaffar's account. It should be recalled that atTahţăāwī was sent by a leadership on the offensive; aş-Şaffär was dispatched by a leadership in retreat. At-Tahţāwī's aim was to be an advocate for reform; aş-Şaffar's intention was merely to observe and report. At-Tahtāwī's Rihla(旅行) was commissioned by an admiring Khedive; aş-Şaffar's was read by a limited coterie within the Makhzan whose attitude toward change was dubious at best. In the final analysis, these divergent factors determined the shape of each work and made them different.

 

然而，這兩種描述的相似性也有其局限性，因為當時的情況使他們迥然不同。
當 AtTahtawi 於 1826 年離開埃及前往法國時，他的國家已經開始了改革運動，並得到穆罕默德‧阿里皇帝 (Khedive Muhammad Ali) 的鐵腕支持。
摩洛哥尚未考慮埃及正在形成的變革模式，幾十年內也不會考慮。
埃及人對法國哲學、政治、社會風俗和科學的評論，摩洛哥人無法理解，而 Takhlis 中提到的某些主題，在 aş-Şaffar 的描述中根本不存在。
我們應該記得，
AtTahţăāwī是由進攻中的領導派來的；而aş-Şaffär則是由撤退中的領導派來的。
At-Tahţāwī 的目的是提倡改革；aş-Şaffar 的目的只是觀察和報告。
At-Tahtāwī 的 Rihla(旅行) 是由欽佩的 赫迪夫Khedive 委託撰寫的；
而 aş-Şaffar 的 Rihla(旅行) 則是由 Makhzan 內部有限的小圈子閱讀，他們對於改革的態度充其量也只是存疑。
歸根結柢，這些不同的因素決定了每部作品的形態，也使它們與眾不同。

 

@@@赫迪夫（阿拉伯語：خديوي‎）是1805年—1914年埃及統治者的頭銜，衍生自波斯語「勳爵」一詞^[1]，相當於於歐洲的總督^[2]。這一稱號首先被穆罕默德·阿里帕夏採用（非官方承認），穆罕默德·阿里帕夏來自鄂圖曼帝國治下的卡瓦拉，位於當今的希臘境內，有阿爾巴尼亞人及土耳其人的血統，擔任鄂圖曼帝國的埃及和蘇丹瓦利（統治長官）。

@@@穆罕默德·阿里帕夏自稱為「赫迪夫」後，鄂圖曼帝國在1867年正式承認^[3]，後來被伊斯邁爾帕夏及其王朝的繼承人沿用，直至1914年^[4]。

Aş-Şaffar's singularity stems not only from background conditions, but also from the immediacy of his observations. He saw France through the lens of a value system that favored knowledge gained from direct, "lived" experience over knowledge gained from books, and his voyage is filled with vivid firsthand impressions. The notion of personal observation, or 'iyan, meant learning without mediation; it was considered the purest form of knowing by the classical traveler. 114 Aş-Şaffar invokes this principle explicitly and demonstrates it by example. He tells us that "there is no other way of obtaining useful information except by mixing with people, "135 and in his narrative he regales us with details to convince us he was actually there. Even when the function of the thing described is not fully understood, it is depicted in full, for the fineness of detail is a value in itself, and an apprehension of truth. Thus the tedious explanations of arcane scientific experiments, the precise counting of candles in the dining room, the faithful rendering of the structure of a bridge: aş-Şaffär reports these details, not so that the thing itself may be replicated, but rather to assure us of the reality of his presence. Although conformity to tradition was still the main criterion for truth in aş-Şaffar's milieu, his emphasis on the individuality of his own experience signals the beginning of a new, more realistic literary style, which brought together the teller and the thing told more intimately than in the past. Not merely mind-numbing minutiae, these details are an assertion of the self, reminding us of the authenticity of the encounter. 136

 

Aş-Şaffar 的獨特之處不僅來自背景條件，也來自他觀察的直接性。
他透過價值體系的鏡頭觀察法國，這種價值體系傾向於從直接的「生活」經驗中獲得知識，而非從書本中獲得知識，他的航行充滿了生動的第一手印象。
個人觀察的概念，或稱為 「iyan」，意味著不經中介的學習，被古典旅行家視為最純粹的知識形式。
114 Aş-Şaffar明確地引用了這一原則，並舉例說明。
他告訴我們，「除了與人打交道之外，沒有其他方法可以獲得有用的資訊」，135 而且在他的敘述中，他用許多細節讓我們相信他真的身在其中。
即使所描述事物的功能未被完全理解，也會被完整地描繪出來，因為細節本身就是一種價值，也是對真理的理解。
因此，乏味的神秘科學實驗、餐廳蠟燭的精確計數、橋樑結構的忠實呈現：
Aş-Şaffär 報告這些細節，不是為了複製事物本身，而是為了向我們保證他的預設的真實性。
儘管在阿斯-沙法爾的生活環境中，遵從傳統仍然是衡量真實性的主要標準，但他對自身經歷個性的強調，標誌著一種新的、更現實的文學風格的開始，這種風格將講述者和被講述的事物更緊密地聯繫在一起。
這些細節不只是令人頭痛的瑣事，而是一種自我肯定，提醒我們遭遇的真實性。
136

 

Moreover, as-Saffär makes careful distinctions between what he sees and what "they" tell him, which further enhances his credibility. "They claim," "they say," and similar phrases indicate that the information to follow is at second hand, perhaps from an interpreter, and we immediately take it in with a jaundiced eye. He realized that his hosts manipulated what they showed. Kept within their control, the Moroccans were led from one tourist site to another in order to receive "the best impression of the grandeur and power of France."137 Aş-Şaffär resents the long, uncomfortable detour to Toulon in order to see the French fleet, and he chafes with chagrin at the military display on the Champ-de-Mars. A hierarchy of truth is implicit in the text, with direct observation at the highest level, transmitted knowledge from Muslim sources in the middle, and information from his Christian hosts at the bottom. Aş-Şaffar is deft at making explicit the precise value of each.

 

此外，as-Saffär 仔細區分了他所看到的和「他們」告訴他的，這進一步提高了他的可信度。
「他們聲稱」、「他們說」和類似的詞句表示接下來的資訊是第二手的，也許是來自一位預言者，而我們馬上就會以陰險的眼光來看待這些資訊。
他認為他的主人操控了他們所展示的東西。
137 Aş-Şaffär對於為了參觀法國艦隊而前往土倫（Toulon）的漫長而不舒服的旅行感到厭惡，對於香榭大道（Champ-de-Mars）上的軍事展覽感到懊惱。
文中隱含了真相的等級，最高等級是直接觀察，中間是從穆斯林來源傳播的知識，最底層則是他的基督徒主人提供的資訊。
Aş-Şaffar 善於明確指出每種資訊的精確價值。

 

Despite his ardor for truth, aş-Şaffar can only give us a partial impression of France. He was limited by what he saw and what he understood. Like at-Tahțāwī, France for him was largely Paris, a city of the salon, the boulevard, and the spectacle. 13 He saw little of the seamy underside of Parisian life-the poverty and suffering, the armies of destitute workers and prostitutes, the shocking inequalities between rich and poor-that animated the contemporary literature of social protest. For him, Paris was populated by chaste women and industrious men who labored in the interests of a just and well-ordered state. Paris was the place of magic, the symbolic as well as physical locus where the purpose of the journey would be fulfilled. By idealizing Paris, aş-Şaffar elevated it to the sacred, and intensified the dialogue with home that forms a distinct subtext of his journey.

 

儘管 Aş-Şaffar 熱衷於追求真理，但他只能為我們提供法國的部分印象。
他受限於他的所見所聞。
就像 At-Tahțāwī 一樣，對他來說，法國主要是巴黎，一個沙龍、林蔭大道和奇景之都。
13 他幾乎看不到巴黎生活的骯髒底層--貧窮與苦難、赤貧工人與娼妓大軍，以及令人震驚的貧富不均--而當代的社會抗議文學正是以這些為靈感。
對他來說，巴黎充滿了貞潔的婦女和勤奮的男人，他們為了正義和秩序良好的國家而努力。
巴黎是一個充滿魔力的地方，是一個象徵和實際的地方，在那裡旅行的目的將得以實現。
將巴黎理想化後，aş-Şaffar 將巴黎提升為神聖之地，並加強了與故鄉的對話，而這正是他旅程的獨特潛台詞。

For the alternation between the sacred and the profane in travel creates an inevitable tension in the traveler's consciousness, a tension between the place visited and the place left behind. Even if we try to forget home, countless moments on the journey remind us of it. 140 The travel experience is like a two-sided mirror: one side reflects the new, the other preserves the image of the known. Inevitably, one begins to think in terms of contrasts, both favorable and unfavorable, with home. The speed and comfort of travel in France stirs poignant memories of the difficulties of travel in Morocco; the fertile pastures seen from the window of the carriage are reminders of the more verdant fields at home.

 

因為旅行中神聖與庸俗之間的交替，在旅行者的意識中產生了一種不可避免的張力，一種所到之處與所遺之地之間的張力。
即使我們試圖忘記家鄉，旅途中無數的時刻仍會提醒我們。
140 旅遊經驗就像一面雙面鏡：
一面反射新事物，另一面保留已知事物的影像。
無可避免地，人們開始思考與家的對比，有好的，也有壞的。
在法國旅行的快速與舒適，勾起了在摩洛哥旅行的艱辛回憶；從馬車窗外看到的肥沃牧場，讓人聯想到家鄉更青翠的田野。

At these points of divergence, the writer brings us closest to grasping the nature of the imaginative process that underlies the journey. These are the moments when the subdued counterpoint between the external and internal worlds becomes sufficiently audible for us to listen in. In Tristes Tropiques, Claude Lévi-Strauss notes that travel means dislocation in three dimensions: time, space, and social relations. 141 For the medieval Muslim traveler, according to André Miquel, the dissonance of the journey to non-Muslim lands created an incomparable opportunity to transcend the banality of everyday experience and to challenge the imagination. 142 In order to truly understand the dynamic of the cultural encounter, one must enter into the consciousness of the traveler at the point of disorientation, where cumulative values no longer apply, where the shock of the new refreshes thought. "We look for evidence of culture," says Alan Trachtenberg, "at those minute points of contact between new things and old habits, and we include in our sense of history the power of things themselves to impress and shape and evoke a response within consciousness."143 Thus the journey of aş-Şaffar can be looked at from another perspective that is, as a set of lively interactions "between new things and old habits" that represent the intensity of his responses to phenomena at their very moment of newness. We shall now examine this juxtaposition of feeling and object in the three categories Lévi-Strauss identifies as most susceptible to dislocation during the voyage: time, space, and social relations.

 

在這些分歧點上，作家帶領我們最接近掌握旅途中想像過程的本質。
在這些分歧點上，作家讓我們最接近掌握旅途中想像過程的本質，也就是外在世界與內在世界之間低調的對位，讓我們有足夠的時間聆聽。
Claude Lévi-Strauss在《Tristes Tropiques》一書中指出，旅行意味著時間、空間與社會關係三方面的錯位。
141 André Miquel 認為，對於中世紀的穆斯林旅行者而言，
前往非穆斯林國度的旅程所產生的不協調，創造了無與倫比的機會來超越日常經驗的平庸，並挑戰想像力。
142 為了真正了解文化邂逅的動態，我們必須進入旅行者的意識中，在不一致的地方，累積的價值觀不再適用，新事物的衝擊刷新了思考。
「艾倫‧特拉滕伯格（Alan Trachtenberg）說：
「我們要在新事物與舊習慣之間的微小接觸點，尋找文化的證據；我們的歷史感中，也包含了事物本身在意識中留下深刻印象、塑造並喚起反應的力量。
現在，我們將從 Lévi-Strauss 認為在航行中最容易發生錯位的三個類別：
時間、空間與社會關係，來檢視這種感覺與物體的並置。

From the moment of his arrival in France, aş-Şaffär's senses reeled with sights and sensations that were totally unfamiliar. The most immediate disorientation was in the relationship of time and space, created by the disparities in technology between France and Morocco, He came from a world where the normal form of travel was by foot or on horseback; he went to Europe at the moment when it was making the transition from animal to mechanical power. In Morocco, the traveler might cover three or four miles in an hour, depending on the terrain; in France, the distance/time ratio, even by animal-drawn transport, was twice as great. The French stagecoach of the 1840s moved at about six miles an hour, but to a Moroccan its velocity seemed tremendous. 144

 

從抵達法國的那一刻起，aş-Şaffär 的感官就被完全陌生的景象和感覺牽引。
最直接的迷失是時間和空間的關係，這是由於法國和摩洛哥在技術上的差異所造成的。
他來自一個通常以步行或騎馬為旅行方式的世界；
他去歐洲的時候，正是歐洲從畜力轉變為機械動力的時刻。
在摩洛哥，根據地形的不同，旅行者可能在一小時內走完三到四英里的路程；而在法國，即使是使用畜力運輸，路程/時間的比例也要高出一倍。
19 世紀 40 年代的法國驛馬車每小時行駛約 6 英里，但對摩洛哥人來說，它的速度似乎非常快。
144

 

Aş-Şaffär first meets these new dimensions of speed on the journey by coach from Marseille to Orléans. On entering, the coach seems deceptively familiar, furnished "like a room"; but suddenly, on the open road, the horses begin to move at a speed that is "breakneck, like a cavalry charge." In an instant, the comfortable room is transformed into a rocketlike projectile hurtling through space, subverting previous notions about the capability of the human body to cover distance. When aş-Şaffar rides the railroad between Orléans and Paris, his distance/time disorientation is complete. Even at this early period in the development of the railroad, the cars moved much faster than the stagecoach, at about thirty miles an hour. 145

 

Aş-Şaffär 從馬賽到奧爾良的旅途中，第一次見到這種新的速度。
一進門，馬車似乎很熟悉，「就像一個房間」；但突然間，在開闊的道路上，馬開始以 「騎兵衝鋒般的速度 」前進。
在一瞬間，舒適的房間變成了火箭般的飛彈，在太空中急速飛行，顛覆了以往對人體飛行距離能力的觀念。
當 aş-Şaffar 搭乘鐵路來往於奧爾良與巴黎之間時，他對於距離/時間的迷失已經完成。
即使在鐵路發展的早期，車廂的行駛速度也比驛馬車快得多，大約每小時 30 英里。
145

 

Aş-Şaffar describes his sensation: he is carried along at "a speed [1] had never experienced, almost like a bird flying through the air. ... When we looked at the sides of the road, we could not see what was there; it looked like an endless ribbon moving along with us, and we could not distinguish anything."140 The feeling of flying-which, incidentally, was not unique to the Muslim traveler, for European travelers used almost identical language to describe their first train ride had the effect of collapsing time and space to nothingness. In two and a half hours, a journey that would have taken days in Morocco was over. We know that perceptions of space and time and the connections between them are culturally determined; we also know that those relationships can be relearned through repeated experience. Such was the case with the railroad ride, which eventually became routine for both Westerners and non-Westerners. The virtue of aş-Şaffar's account is that we are present at the crux of newness, experiencing the event unalloyed with prior knowledge or sensation.

 

Aş-Şaffar 描述了他的感覺：
他被帶著以 「一種 [1] 從未體驗過的速度前進，幾乎就像一隻鳥在空中飛翔......」。
......當我們看見路的兩邊時，我們看不到那裏有什麼；它看起來就像一條無盡的絲帶，隨著我們前進，我們無法分辨出任何東西。
"140 飛行的感覺--順便說一下，這並非穆斯林旅行者所獨有，因為歐洲旅行者使用幾乎相同的語言來描述他們第一次乘坐火車的感覺，其效果是將時間和空間坍塌為虛無。
在兩個半小時之內，在摩洛哥需要好幾天的旅程就結束了。
我們知道，對空間和時間的感知以及它們之間的聯繫是由文化決定的；我們也知道，這些關係可以通過重複的經驗重新學習。
乘坐鐵路就是這樣，最終成為西方人和非西方人的例行公事。
aş-Şaffar 的描述的優點在於我們在新事物的關鍵時刻身歷其境，體驗未經先前知識或感覺洗禮的事件。

The Rihla(旅行) records other delicate subversions of fundamental space/time relations. During his journey to France, aş-Şaffär made the transition from a world in which time was measured by fitual to a world in which time, for the most part, was measured by the mechanical ticking of a clock. In Morocco, and indeed in all the lands of Islam, the passage of the day is punctuated by the times of prayer. One rises for the morning prayers, dines after the noon prayers, ends the day with the evening prayers. In the traditional Muslim male world, meetings were set, business arranged, and contracts concluded according to the fixed points of prayertime; indeed, one is continually reminded of the time of day by the calling of the muezzin from the mosque. The most dependable clock is the rhythm of ritual, denoted by sounds and visual signs (the faithful walking to the mosque carrying their prayer mats) that mark time as intelligibly for the Muslim as the chiming of Big Ben does for the Londoner.

 

Rihla(旅行) 記錄了對基本時空關係的其他微妙顛覆。
在前往法國的旅途中，aş-Şaffär 從一個以 fitual 來測量時間的世界，過渡到一個大部分以機械時鐘的滴答聲來測量時間的世界。
在摩洛哥，甚至在所有伊斯蘭教的土地上，一天的時間都以祈禱時間來標記。
晨禱後起床，午禱後用餐，晚禱後結束一天的生活。
在傳統的回教男性世界中，會議的安排、業務的安排、合約的簽訂，都是依據固定的禱告時間點；事實上，清真寺的穆斯津（宣禮員 muezzin）會不斷提醒人們一天的時間。
最可靠的時鐘是儀式的節奏，以聲音和視覺符號（信徒攜著禱墊走到清真寺）來標記時間，對穆斯林來說，就像大本鐘的鐘聲對倫敦人來說一樣易懂。

 

Far from home in a non-Muslim land, aş-Şaffär found himself suddenly deprived of these culturally determined time markers. The meeting with King Louis-Phillipe, he tells us, will take place at "ten in the morning"; the reception at the palace is on New Year's Day, "the first day" of the Christian year. France was the land of the clock and the Christian calendar, of time measured in odd intervals. In Morocco there were clocks too, but usually they were for decoration. 147 European travelers saw them in the homes of the well-todo, but the hands were rarely correct-not because Moroccans were ignorant of clock time (for they were not), but because they were not especially sensible to it.148 What mattered most to aş-Şaffar was not the precise hour of the day, but rather religiously consecrated time as embodied in the predictability of prayer.

 

Aş-Şaffär 遠離家鄉到了一個非穆斯林的國度，他發現自己突然失去了這些由文化決定的時間標記。
他告訴我們，與路易-菲利浦國王的會晤將在 「早上十點 」舉行；在宮廷的招待會是在元旦，基督教年的 「第一天」。
法國是鐘表和基督教曆法的發源地，也是以奇數時間間隔計算時間的發源地。
摩洛哥也有鐘，但通常是裝飾用的。
147 歐洲旅行者在富裕人家中見過這些鍾，但指針很少是正確的--不是因為摩洛哥人不懂鐘錶時間（因為他們並不懂），而是因為他們對鐘錶時間並不特別敏感。
148 對ş-Şaffar來說，最重要的不是一天中的精確時刻，而是宗教上被奉為神聖的時間，它體現在祈禱的可預測性中。

Another basic defining category of daily life, and an arena in which we again see as-Saffar's confrontation with the new, is the boundary between private and public space, Space, says Michael Gilsenan, "is not a kind of pure, given form but is a set of structures and relations that have to be learned... and constantly acquired in daily life."149 Human needs and activities differ from one culture to another, and space is the stage on which those varying functions are acted out. For the stranger, learning the complex codes that define space and its changing social functions can be among the most difficult trials of the journey. The traveler must be initiated into them by instruction or by example, and failure to learn them can lead to painful embarrassment. Most travelers abroad have acquired at least one story of cultural misunderstanding based on a misinterpretation of signs that set boundaries.

 

日常生活的另一個基本定義範疇，也是我們再次看到as-Saffar與新事物對抗的場所，就是私人空間與公共空間的界線。
Michael Gilsenan說：
「空間並非一種純粹、既定的形式，而是一套必須學習......並在日常生活中不斷獲得的結構與關係。
對於陌生人來說，學習定義空間及其不斷變化的社會功能的複雜碼，可能是旅途中最困難的考驗之一。
旅行者必須通過指導或示範來開始學習它們，而學習失敗則可能導致痛苦的尷尬。
大多數在國外旅行的人至少都有過一個因誤解標誌而造成文化誤解的故事。

While in France, aş-Şaffar met with difficulties in his understanding of socio-spatial relations. For example, he describes the typical French house as "quite different from ours: they do not have a courtyard, a ground floor, and upper stories such as we have; rather, their courtyard is outside the house, where the carts and draft animals stand." He goes on to say that "the rooms . have very large windows which look out onto the street." 150 The contrastwith the traditional Moroccan house was striking: at home there were no windows looking onto the street, no point at which the outside could look in. The interior of the house is the ultimate private domain; the courtyard is an arena of family life, not a place where animals stand. In other words, a space that is the nexus for intense social interaction within the Moroccan household is missing in France. 15

 

在法國時，aş-Şaffar 在理解社會空間關係方面遇到了困難。
例如，他描述典型的法國房子「與我們的很不相同：
他們沒有像我們這樣的庭院、底層和上層；相反，他們的庭院在房子外面，那裏停放著車和役畜」。
他繼續說：
「房間有很大的窗戶，可以看到外面的街道。
150 與傳統的摩洛哥房屋形成強烈對比：
在家中，沒有任何窗戶可以望向街道，也沒有任何地方可以讓外面的人看進來。
房屋內部是最終的專屬領域；庭院是家庭生活的場所，而不是動物站立的地方。
換句話說，摩洛哥家庭內部激烈社交互動的中心空間，在法國卻是缺失的。15

 

In Morocco, the courtyard is also the space where the stranger may stand without violating the privacy of the interior, or compromising the women within who may not wish to be seen. To enter directly into the interior of a house without benefit of the mediating stage provided by the courtyard was a peculiar experience for asŞaffar. Moreover, once having entered the house, he found the inside virtually open to the outside because of the large windows. Light floods the interior, exposing its contents to view. The openness and display of the family and its treasures to the casual viewer are a new phenomenon, quite unlike the wall-like protectiveness surrounding family life at home. Clearly, concepts of public versus private in domestic arrangements would have to be revised in the context of France.

 

在摩洛哥，庭院也是陌生人可以站立的空間，不會侵犯室內隱私，也不會騷擾室內可能不願被看到的婦女。
直接進入房屋內部，而不受惠於庭院所提供的中介舞台，對asŞaffar來說是一種奇特的經驗。
此外，一旦進入屋內，他發現由於窗戶很大，屋內幾乎是對外開放的。
光線灑滿室內，讓屋內的物品盡收眼底。
家庭及其珍寶向觀眾開放和展示是一種新現象，與家中家庭生活周圍牆壁般的保護性截然不同。
顯然，在法國的環境中，家庭安排中公眾與私人的概念必須修正。

Aş-Şaffar's perception of spatial boundaries is disrupted even further as he begins to explore the nuances of social praxis. The bathhouse, for example, is a subject of wonderment, and he describes it at length: "There is... [a] structure made of wood, which is their public bathhouse. Inside it are small rooms that are enclosed, each with a large tub that may be filled with hot or cold water, or both.

It is their hammām; they do not have a hammam like ours."152

Other aspects emphasize the seclusion of the act of bathing; there is a small glass window with a filmy curtain that lets in light but keeps out prying eyes. One can even take a bath in one's own room, by ordering a servant to bring water. In other words, among the French, the bath is a private affair, included in that brief list of ical activities that, for reasons of shame modesty, ог in total isolation. one conducts in total isolation.

 

當 Aş-Şaffar 開始探索社會實踐的細微差異時，他對空間界限的感知甚至被進一步打亂。
例如，澡堂是一個令人驚嘆的主題，他詳細地描述了它：
 「有... [木造的建築物，那是他們的公共澡堂。
裡面有一些圍起來的小房間，每個房間都有一個大浴缸，可以注入冷水或熱水。
152

其他方面則強調沐浴行為的隱密性；有一扇小玻璃窗，上面有一層薄膜帷幕，可以透光，但不能讓人窺視。
人們甚至可以在自己的房間中沐浴，只需命令僕人送水即可。
換句話說，在法國人的生活中，沐浴是一件私事，是基於羞恥、謙遜的理由，在完全隔離的情況下進行的活動。

The hammam or public bathhouse in Morocco was an entirely different matter. Bathing was done in a large, open room, not in private cubicles; it often took hours and was a prime social event of the day. 153 Gossip was exchanged in the bathhouse, business discussed, plans made. The ritual of the bath was an engaging social experience for both men and women, even while it was sexually segregated, like most social events. The nonenclosure of the bathing ace, the free circulation and meeting of individuals while unclothed, was considered right and proper; bathing, in other words, was very much part of the public domain. Fascinated by the technology of the bath, aş-Şaffar remained unconvinced of the need for uncompromising isolation in the act of bathing. Indeed, he hints that the technology may even be misplaced, for in the situation where such an installation would be most useful-in performing the ritual ablutions-it was unavailable.

 

摩洛哥的土耳其浴室或公共澡堂則完全不同。
沐浴是在一個開放的大房間中進行，而不是在私人隔間中；沐浴通常需要數小時，而且是一天中最重要的社交活動。
153 在澡堂裡，人們交換著八卦，討論著生意，制定著計劃。
洗浴儀式對男女來說都是一種引人入勝的社交體驗，即使它和大多數社交活動一樣是性別分隔的。
沐浴場所的非密封性、個人不穿衣服時的自由流動和會面，被認為是天經地義的；換句話說，沐浴在很大程度上是公共領域的一部分。
aş-Şaffar 對沐浴的技術非常著迷，但他仍然不相信在沐浴過程中需要堅定不移的隔離。
事實上，他暗示這種技術甚至可能是錯置的，因為在這種裝置最有用的情況下--進行洗浴儀式--它是不可用的。

The disorientation about spatial boundaries became more serious when it spilled over into relations between men and women, where the codes differed radically from those at home. Aş-Şaffär learned these lessons quickly, and he is eager to share his knowledge with us. Playing the role of practiced guide, he advises us about how to treat women properly if we find ourselves in France: "If you enter a man's house and a woman is present," he tells us, "you are not considered gracious or well-mannered unless you approach her with greetings and friendly speeches in a tone of modest gentility. Her husband will delight in that and his esteem and love for you will increase."154

 

當這種空間界限的迷失蔓延到男女關係時，就變得更加嚴重，因為男女關係的規範與家中的規範完全不同。
Aş-Şaffär 很快就汲取了這些教訓，他渴望與我們分享他的知識。
他扮演著一位經驗豐富的指導者，告訴我們如果身在法國，該如何正確對待女性：
 他告訴我們：
「如果您進入一位男士的家中，而當時有一位女士在場，」他說：
"除非您以謙恭的語氣向她問候，並友善地對她說話，否則您不會被視為親切或有禮貌。
她的丈夫會為此感到高興，他對您的尊敬和愛戴也會與日俱增 "154。

 

This is indeed a world that is topsy-turvy. Coming from a culture where a meeting with strange females was a rare and stylized event, aş-Şaffar found the multiple possibilities for interaction with French women a subject of fascination and delight. In Morocco, in the street, women were veiled and made invisible; at home, they were kept behind closed doors which no incidental visitor could enetrate. In France, no such physical boundaries prevailed. In the salon, women mixed freely with strange men, wearing garments, it seemed to him, that left them half-naked, with their hair, upper arms, and bosoms exposed; in the street, their faces were uncovered, their eyes roamed freely.

 

這確實是一個顛倒的世界。
在阿什-沙法爾的文化背景中，與陌生女性見面是一件非常罕見且風格化的事情，他發現與法國女性互動的多種可能性讓人著迷和欣喜。
在摩洛哥的大街上，女性被蒙上面紗，悄無聲息；在家中，她們被關在緊閉的大門後，任何偶然造訪的訪客都無法進入。
在法國，沒有這樣的物理界限。
在沙龍裡，婦女們自由地與陌生男子混在一起，在他看來，她們穿著半裸的衣服，頭髮、上臂和胸部都暴露在外；在街上，她們的臉沒有遮掩，目光自由地遊走。

The effect on him of the proximity of women was intoxicating. When describing their deportment and dress, he suddenly breaks into poetry. He also uses the device of saj, or rhymed prose, to ornament the text and express his rising emotions. Beneath the flowery rhetoric, we feel a deep longing for the sensual experience. Many of the images, to be sure, are stereotyped, but others hint at a suppressed eroticism that seems eminently human. Yet, as in all things, aş-Şaffar exhibits restraint, and unlike at-Tahțāwī, who had a rather low opinion of French women, the Moroccan finds them on the whole to be "virtuous." Aş-Şaffar, of course, did not understand French. But he seems to have grasped that the physical and spatial barriers placed between men and women in his own society had their counterpart in France in the elaborate verbal rituals, or politesse, that surrounded the male-female encounter. He concentrates, therefore, on initiating others into the correct performance of greeting and leavetaking, so that in this vital area of social relations one will make no mistakes.

 

接近女性對他的影響是令人陶醉的。
在描述她們的舉止和衣著時，他突然迸發出詩意。
他還運用了詩歌或押韻散文的手法來裝飾全文，並表達他不斷升華的情感。
在華麗的修辭下，我們感受到對感官體驗的深切渴望。
可以肯定的是，很多圖像都是刻板的，但也有一些圖像暗示了一種被壓抑的情慾，看起來非常人性化。
然而，在所有事情上，Aş-Şaffar 都表現得很克制，不像 at-Tahțāwī（他對法國女性的評價相當低），摩洛哥人覺得她們整體上都很 「賢惠」。
當然，Aş-Şaffar 並不了解法語。
但他似乎明白，在他自己的社會中，男女之間的身體和空間障礙，在法國有其對應的對應方式，那就是圍繞著男女相遇的精心設計的語言儀式，或稱 politesse。
因此，他專注於引導他人正確地打招呼和道別，以便在這個重要的社會關係領域中不會犯錯。

The strange, the new, and the marvelous permeate the voyage and greet the traveler at every turn. But even the strange has its own internal logic. France for aş-Şaffar is the land of nizam, of order. Everywhere he looks he sees evidence of putting things in their proper place. The trees grow in straight rows, fields are plowed in perfect furrows, streets are tidy, libraries are neatly arranged, the soldiers march in even ranks, horses obey their masters, even the ladies part their hair with precision. France is the home of the straight line and the perfect landscape, of nature tamed and man made obedient. He laments the contrast with home:

 

陌生、新鮮、奇妙的事物滲透在旅途中，隨時迎接著旅行者。
但即使是陌生的事物也有其內在的邏輯。
對 aş-Şaffar 來說，法國是秩序的國度。
他所到之處都能看到物盡其位的跡象。
樹木成行成列，田地犁出完美的犁溝，街道整潔，圖書館排列整齊，士兵們行軍整齊，馬匹聽從主人的命令，甚至連女士們的髮型也是精確無誤。
法國是直線和完美風景的故鄉，是大自然被馴服、人類被順從的故鄉。
他感嘆與家鄉的對比：

In comparison with the weakness of Islam, the dissipation of its strength, and the disrupted condition of its people, how confident they are, how impressive how competent they are in matters of state. how capable in war... not because of their bravery, or religious zeal, but because of their marvelous organization, their uncanny mastery over affairs, and their strict adherence to the law. 155

 

相對於伊斯蘭教的虛弱、力量的消散、人民的破壞，他們是多麼的自信，在國家事務上是多麼的能幹，令人印象深刻，在戰爭中是多麼的能幹......不是因為他們的勇敢或宗教的熱忱，而是因為他們奇妙的組織、對事務超乎常人的掌握，以及對法律的嚴格遵守。
155

 

Even while aş-Şaffär admits to a French "mastery" in the appearance of reality, he also grasps that the surface order is emblematic of a far deeper plan, a plan in which all of society is harnessed in the service of production. Herein lies the mystery of that pervasive yet indefinable power that non-Europeans sensed in the European order of things. The disciplined children and straight rows of trees are superficial representations of a social organization that he suspects may be inimical to his own. It appears to him as rational, relentlessly efficient, and organized around economic rather than religious imperatives. Needless to say, it also seems so all-encompassing and powerful that the mere thought of competing with it induces in him a sense of despair. 156

 

儘管 Aş-Şaffär 承認法國人在現實表象中的「掌握」，但他也明白表面的秩序代表著更深層的計劃，在這個計劃中，整個社會都被利用來為生產服務。
這就是非歐洲人在歐洲秩序中感受到的那種無處不在卻又無法說清的力量的奧秘所在。
有紀律的孩子和一排排筆直的樹木是一種社會組織的表面表徵，他懷疑這種社會組織可能與他自己的社會組織相悖。
在他看來，這種社會組織是理性的、效率不高的，而且是圍繞經濟而非宗教的需要而組織的。
毋庸置疑，這個組織看起來是如此的包羅萬象和強大，以至於只要一想到要與之競爭，他就會感到絕望。
156

 

In Europe, aş-Şaffar had a vision of another world. He saw what the human spirit could achieve when left to its own inventiveness. But it was a world beyond reach. True, there are innovations in France that he regards as useful, and in matters of technology and everyday life, he freely admits, they are superior. But in matters of religion they are still infidels. "They know well what is apparent to the life of this world," he says, "but are completely ignorant about the hereafter." 157 Their science may be admirable, their manners perfect, their houses clean. Yet they have this one insurmountable moral flaw: with regard to their belief in God they are corrupt. This is no mere prudent declaration of loyalty; rather, it is a statement of profound conviction. Nor was aş-Şaffar alone in proclaiming his faith in Islam at the end of his voyage, for other Moroccan travelers to the West did the same: "Everything in their way of thinking impelled them to deny reality, or at least not to acknowledge it. This is your world, and ours is different, they seem to say." Which leads us to our final point. The voyage of aş-Şaffär, and indeed other Arabic travel accounts of this era, can be read in several ways. First, they are useful sources of information for reconstructing a particular conception of reality, serving as repositories of facts to contextualize scenes distant in time and place. Secondlas we have seen, this kind of writing gives us glimpses into the human experience of the voyage, offering access to moments of contact between the voyager and the outside world which illuminate the interior sensations of the journey. There is yet a third dimension which travel writing can assume, which becomes especially meaningful as we struggle to understand the workings of cultures other than our own. As involved companions along the road, we are not only engrossed in what the traveler saw in Europe, but also how he saw it, and how it resonated in his consciousness and reminded him of home. France and Paris are the mirrors in which we read as-Saffar's vision of more distant locales; the green fields, crowded streets, bals, and soirées are the tableau on which another image is etched, of a place less familiar to us but even more engaging. That place is the Morocco of aşŞaffar's imagination.

 

在歐洲，阿斯-沙法爾看到了另一個世界。
他看到了人類精神在發揮自己的創造力時所能取得的成就。
但那是一個無法企及的世界。
誠然，法國有一些他認為有用的創新，而且在科技和日常生活方面，他坦然承認，法國是優越的。
但在宗教方面，他們仍然是異教徒。
「他說：
「他們很清楚今世生活的表象，但對來世卻完全無知」。
157 他們的科學可能令人敬佩，他們的舉止完美，他們的房子乾淨。
然而，他們有一個無法克服的道德缺點：
在信仰上帝方面，他們是腐敗的。
這並不只是謹慎的忠誠聲明，而是深刻的信念。
也不只是阿斯-沙法爾在航行結束時宣示他對伊斯蘭教的信仰，其他前往西方的摩洛哥旅行者也是如此：
「他們思維方式中的一切都迫使他們否認現實，或至少不承認現實。
這是你們的世界，而我們的世界是不同的，他們似乎這樣說"。
這就引出了我們最後的觀點。
aş-Şaffär的航行，以及這個時代的其他阿拉伯旅行記載，可以從幾個方面來解讀。
首先，它們是重建特定現實概念的有用資訊來源，可作為事實的儲存庫，將遙遠時空的場景背景化。
其次，正如我們所看到的，這類書寫讓我們瞥見航行中的人類經驗，提供了航行者與外部世界接觸的時刻，照亮了旅程的內心感受。
旅行寫作還可以有第三個維度，當我們努力了解非我們自己文化的運作時，這一維度變得特別有意義。
作為旅途中的夥伴，我們不僅沉浸於旅行者在歐洲看到了什麼，而且也沉浸於他是如何看到這些的，以及這些是如何在他的意識中產生共鳴並讓他想起家鄉的。
法國和巴黎是一面鏡子，我們從中讀出 As-Saffar 對更遙遠的地方的想像；綠油油的田野、擁擠的街道、酒吧和晚會是另一幅畫面，上面刻著一個我們不太熟悉但卻更吸引人的地方。
這個地方就是 aşŞaffar 所想像的摩洛哥。

透過 DeepL.com（免費版）翻譯

Finally, and on yet another plane, these accounts transcend the fact of traveling and begin to take on moral intonations, reinforced by the universality of the act of displacement. Here the journey becomes a metaphor, the voyager a mythmaker, and the story a fable. It is not only the paradigm of its structure the departure, the adventure, the return-that makes the travel account universal, but also the meanings construed from the voyage by the voyager himself. In aş-Şaffar's case, the parable is quite explicit: he tells us that one can go to the land of enchantment, the abode of both good and evil, immerse oneself in it, and return home wiser yet unscathed.

 

最後，在另一個層面上，這些描述超越了旅行的事實，開始具有道德的語調，並因為流離失所的普遍性而得到強化。
在此，旅程成為隱喻，航海者成為神話創造者，故事成為寓言。
使旅行記載具有普遍性的不僅僅是其結構的范式--出發、冒險、回程，還有旅行者自己從旅行中詮釋出的意義。
在 aş-Şaffar 的作品中，這個寓言是非常明確的：
他告訴我們，一個人可以去到魔幻之地、善與惡的居所，沉浸其中，然後更加聰明而毫發無傷地回家。

This is the lesson of the voyage; but whether his tale convinced those who read it in his own time, we cannot tell. The Rihla(旅行) was undoubtedly circulated and discussed within the narrow confines of the court, then consigned to the Royal Library, where it languished in obscurity for over one hundred years. Never did aş-Şaffar think, one would imagine, that his manuscript would sleep for so long and than reawaken to bring enlightenment and pleasure to readers of another age.

 

這就是這次航行的教訓；但他的故事是否能說服那些在他那個時代讀到的人，我們無從得知。
毫無疑問，這本書在狹窄的宮廷範圍內被傳閱和討論，然後被送往皇家圖書館，在那裡默默沉睡了一百多年。
我們可以想像，Aş-Şaffar 從未想過他的手稿會沉睡如此長的時間，然後再重新甦醒，為另一個時代的讀者帶來啟迪和樂趣。

NOTES：

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. It will be evident the extent to which Fussell's critical work has influenced my own reading of aş-Şaffär.

 

117. Ibid., p. 214.

118. Nelson H. H. Graburn cites the writings of Durkeim, Mauss, Leach, and Van Gennep as important in shaping concepts of the sacred and the profane in relation to travel. See his "Tourism: The Sacred Journey," in Valene Smith, ed., Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 1989), pp. 24. 26. Also V. Turner and E. Turner. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (New York, 1978), ch. 1.

119. Graburn, "Tourism," pp. 24-25.

 

120. Fussell, Abroad, p. 208.

121. Graburn, "Tourism," p. 26.

122. Sce p. 78.

123. Graburn, "Tourism," p. 27.

124. See p. 221.

125. Fussell, Abroad, p. 209.

126. Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, Analecta Orientalia 24 (Rome, 1947), p. 57. Such was the fate of as-Saffar's manuscript, suggesting it may have been labeled "secret" by the Sultan. Laroui, Origines, p. 215.

127. On Arabic rihlāt see M. Hadj-Sadok, "Le genre 'Rihla(旅行),'" Bulletin des études arabes 8, 40 (1948): 195-206; GAL S 3, index, s.v. Rihla(旅行). Also El 2, s. vv. "Djughrafiya," "Hadjdj." On travel to the West, see B. Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York, 1982); 1. Abu-Lughod, The Arab Rediscovery of Europe: A Study in Cultural Encounters (Princeton, 1963); and Henri Pérès, L'Espagne vue par les voyageurs musulmans de 1610 à 1930 (Paris, 1937), a useful, if dated, overview. On Muslim travel, see the Dictionary of the Middle Ages, vol. 12, 5. v. "Travel and Transport, Islamic," by Richard Bulliet, and the magisterial work by André Miguel, La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu'au milieu du 11º siècle, 4 vols. (Paris, 1967-88), vol. 1, ch. 4 and vol. 2, ch. 7. Also see note 25 above.

For Moroccan travel accounts, see 'Abd as-Salam Ibn Süda, Dalil mu'arrikh al-Maghrib al-aqşā, 2 vols. (Casablanca, 1960-65), 2:333-70. He mentions about 240 works, mostly unpublished accounts of pilgrimages to Mecca. Other sources are M. al-Fasi, "Ar-Rihla(旅行) as-safariya al-maghribiya," Al-Bayyina 1, 6 (October 1962): 11-24; "Ar-rahhäla al-maghariba waāthāruhum," Da'wat al-haqq, 2, 4 (January 1959): 22-25, by the same author; the introduction to Al-iksir fi fikāk al-asir, by M. b. 'Uthman al-Miknāsi, ed. M. al-Fasi (Rabat, 1965), and Lakhdar, La vie littéraire, passim. Also M. al-Manūnī, Al-maşādir al-arabiya li-tārīkh al-Maghrib, part 1 (Casablanca, 1983) and part 2 (Mohamedia, 1989); see the indices s.v. Rihla(旅行). Published Moroccan Rihla(旅行)t are indicated in my bibliography by an asterisk (*).

128. See p. 76.

129. Graburn, "Tourism," p. 28.

130. References to the Muqaddima are from F. Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, 3 vols. (Princeton, 1967). Vol. 1 contains a biography. Ibn Khaldūn's theory of the state is summarized in E. I. J. Rosenthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cambridge, 1968), ch. 4; see Ali Oumlil, L'histoire et son discourse (Rabat, 1982), for a Moroccan perspective.

 

131. See p. 181.

 

132. Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi (1801-73) was born in Tahța in Upper Egypt, and studied at al-Azhar. In 1826 he was sent to Paris by the Khedive Muhammad Ali to serve as imam (prayer-leader) to a group of Egyptian students. He stayed in Paris for five years, learned fluent French, and summarized his impressions of France in his Takhliş al-ibriz fi talkhiş Bariz, printed at Bulaq shortly after his return. The book enjoyed great popularity and was translated into Turkish; it was also known to Moroccan literati. A recent French translation is by Anouar Louca, L'or de Paris: Relation de voyage, 1826-1831 (Paris, 1988). On at-Tahţāwī see A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London, 1967), pp. 69-83; J. Heyworth-Dunne, "Rifa'ah Badawi Rafi at-Tahţăwi: The Egyptian Revivalist," BSOAS 9 (1937-39): 961-67, 10 (1940-42): 399-415; A. Badawi, Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi, 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1959); Abu-Lughod, Arab Rediscovery; and Anouar Louca, Voyageurs et écrivains égyptiens en France au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1970), ch. 2. Aş-Şaffar's mention of at-Tahțăwi (as "Rifa'a Effendi") comes at the beginning of ch. 3 of the present work.

 

133. On the Egyptian reform movement, see A. L. as-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 54-66.

134. "The transmission of things one has observed with one's own eyes is something more comprehensive and complete than the transmission of information and things one has learned about. A habit that is the result of [personal observation] is more perfect and firmly rooted." Muqaddimah 2:346. See also Eickelman, "Art of Memory," p. 501 note 20, and A. Miquel, Géographie humaine 1:135 and passim, for references showing the importance of "lived truth" for the medieval traveler.

135. See p. 77. 136. See, for example, al-Ghassani's Iftikāk, in which descriptions of the observed world are minimalist as compared with aş-Şaffär. For relevant discussion of the growth of realism in English letters in the eighteenthcentury novel, see lan Watt, The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson and Fielding (Berkeley, 1957), ch. 1.

 

137. The quote is from Guizot's instructions to Pourcet and Urbain, AAE/CPM 15/23 November 1845. The idea is stated even more clearly by Louis-Philippe in his letter to Mulay Abd ar-Rahman summing up the visit: "My ministers were ordered to show [the ambassador] whatever we had in the way of wonders ('ajā'ib) in art and industry." DAR 17575, 13 February 1846.

138. The French Orientalist Silvestre de Sacy observed that at-Tahțāwī judged all the French "d'après les habitants de Paris." Louca, L'or, p. 218.

139. In 1842 Eugene Sue's Les mystères de Paris was serialized in the Journal des débats, introducing the reading public to the "frightening underworld of poverty and violence in Paris." David Pinkney, Decisive Years in France, 1840-47 (Princeton, 1986), p. 97.

 

140. I. de Sola Pool, "Effects of Cross-national Contact on National and International Images," in H. Kelman, ed., International Behavior, A Social-psychological Analysis (New York, 1965), p. 122.

141. Miquel's observation (Géographie humaine 1:115), based on his reading of the chapter "The Quest for Power" in Lévi-Strauss's Tristes Tropiques, trans. J. Russell (New York, 1970), pp. 38-46.

142. Géographie humaine 1:115, 120.

 

143. Quoted in the preface to Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley, 1986), p. xv.

144. See Laroui, Origines, pp. 54-55, for the speed of travel in Morocco. Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53, is the source for data on France. The following discussion of the early railroad and its psychological effects on riders was inspired by Schivelbusch, Railway Journey, ch. 4.

 

145. Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53.

146. See p. 115.

 

147. Except, of course, the clocks in the palaces of the Sultan, and those in the important mosques, which were kept on time to determine the correct hour of prayer. Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:138-39.

148. Describing a comfortable house in Rabat, J. H. D. Hay remarked: "[It] was furnished in good Moorish style, with carpets of all kinds, looking-glasses and clocks, which latter indulge generally in the hour they please." Journal, p. 43.

149. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam: Religion and Society in the Modern Arab World (New York, 1982), p. 187.

 

150. See p. 135.

151. Ernst Rackow, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der materiellen Kultur NordwestMarokkos: Wohnraum, Hausrat, Kostüm (Wiesbaden, 1958), p. 5 and Tafel 4. a plan of a typical Tetuan house.

 

152. See p. 129.

153. Rackow, Beiträge, p. 7.

 

154. See p. 161.

155. See pp. 193-194-

 

156. See Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988), ch. 1, on the impact of European ideas of order on nineteenth-century Egypt.

157. See p. 220.

158. Laroui, Origines, p. 228. The "disclaimer" was also a feature of medieval Christian pilgrimage accounts, where curiosity about the strange "put the pilgrimage in bad repute"; the "ideal" Christian pilgrim traveled "with his eyes to the ground," according to D. R. Howard, Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, 1980), pp. 23-24.

 

註解：

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad：
 Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. Fussell 的批判性著作在多大程度上影響了我自己對 aş-Şaffär 的解讀，這一點將是顯而易見的。

117. 同上，第 214 頁。

118. Nelson H. H. Graburn 引述 Durkeim、Mauss、Leach 與 Van Gennep 的著作，認為這些著作對於塑造與旅遊有關的神聖與褻瀆概念非常重要。
請參閱他的「旅遊：
 請參閱他的 「Tourism: The Sacred Journey,」 in Valene Smith, ed., Hosts and Guests：
 (Philadelphia, 1989), pp. 26. 另外 V. Turner 和 E. Turner。
基督教文化中的形象與朝聖：
 人類學的觀點》（紐約，1978 年），第 1 章。

119. Graburn, 「Tourism,」 pp.

 

120. Fussell, Abroad, p. 208。

121. Graburn, 「Tourism,」 p. 26.

122. Sce 第 78 頁。

123. Graburn, 「Tourism,」 p. 27.

124. 見第 221 頁。

125. Fussell, Abroad, p. 209。

126. Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, Analecta Orientalia 24 (Rome, 1947), p. 57。
這就是 as-Saffar 手稿的命運，顯示它可能被蘇丹標示為 「秘密」。
Laroui, Origines, p. 215。

127. 關於阿拉伯文的 rihlāt 請參閱 M. Hadj-Sadok, 「Le genre 『Rihla(旅行)』,」 Bulletin des études arabes 8, 40 (1948)：
 195-206; GAL S 3, index, s.v. Rihla(旅行). 另外 El 2, s. vv. 「Djughrafiya,」 「Hadjdj.」 。
關於前往西方的旅行，請參閱 B. Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York, 1982)；1. Abu-Lughod, The Arab Rediscovery of Europe：
 A Study in Cultural Encounters (Princeton, 1963); and Henri Pérès, L'Espagne vue par les voyageurs musulmans de 1610 à 1930 (Paris, 1937), a useful, if dated, overview. 關於穆斯林旅行，請參閱 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, vol. 12, 5. v. 「Travel and Transport, Islamic,」 by Richard Bulliet, and the magisterial work by André Miguel, La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu'au milieu du 11º siècle, 4 vols. (Paris, 1967-88), vol. 1, ch. 4 and vol. 2, ch. 7. Also see note 25 above.

有關摩洛哥的旅行記載，請參閱 'Abd as-Salam Ibn Süda, Dalil mu'arrikh al-Maghrib al-aqşā, 2 vols. (Casablanca, 1960-65), 2:333-70. 他提到約 240 部作品，大多是未出版的麥加朝聖記載。
其他資料來源有 M. al-Fasi，「Ar-Rihla(旅行) as-safariya al-maghribiya」，Al-Bayyina 1，6 (October 1962)：
 11-24; 「Ar-rahhäla al-maghariba waāthāruhum,」 Da'wat al-haqq, 2, 4 (January 1959)：
 22-25, by the same author; the introduction to Al-iksir fi fikāk al-asir, by M. b. 'Uthman al-Miknāsi, ed.. M. al-Fasi (Rabat, 1965), and Lakhdar, La vie littéraire, passim. 另外 M. al-Manūnī, Al-maşādir al-arabiya li-tārīkh al-Maghrib, part 1 (Casablanca, 1983) and part 2 (Mohamedia, 1989); see the indices s.v. Rihla(旅行). 已出版的摩洛哥 Rihla(旅行)t 在我的參考書目中以星號 (*) 標示。

128. 見第 76 頁。

129. Graburn，「旅遊」，第 28 頁。

130. 有關 Muqaddima 的參考資料來自 F. Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah：
 普林斯頓，1967 年）。
第 1 卷包含傳記。
E. I. J. Rosenthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cambridge, 1968), ch. 4概括了Ibn Khaldūn的國家理論；摩洛哥的觀點請參閱Ali Oumlil, L'histoire et son discourse (Rabat, 1982)。

131. 見第 181 頁。

132. Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi（1801-73 年）出生於上埃及的 Tahța，曾在 al-Azhar 學習。
1826 年，他被穆罕默德-阿里 (Muhammad Ali) 酋長 (Khedive Muhammad Ali) 派往巴黎，擔任一群埃及學生的伊瑪目 (祈禱領袖)。
他在巴黎逗留了五年，學會了流利的法語，並將他對法國的印象總結在《Takhliş al-ibriz fi talkhiş Bariz》一書中。
這本書深受歡迎，並被翻譯成土耳其語；摩洛哥文人也知道這本書。
最近的法文譯本是 Anouar Louca 所著的《L'or de Paris》：
 Relation de voyage, 1826-1831 (Paris, 1988)。
關於 at-Tahţāwī，請參閱 A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London, 1967)，第 69-83 頁；J. Heyworth-Dunne，"Rifa'ah Badawi Rafi at-Tahţăwi：
 The Egyptian Revivalist," BSOAS 9 (1937-39)：
 961-67, 10 (1940-42): 399-415; A. Badawi, Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi, 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1959); Abu-Lughod, Arab Rediscovery; and Anouar Louca, Voyageurs et écrivains égyptiens en France au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1970), ch. 2. Aş-Şaffar 提到 at-Tahțăwi（「Rifa'a Effendi」）是在本著作第 3 章的开头。

133. 關於埃及的改革運動，請參閱 A. L. as-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt (Cambridge, 1985), pp.134.

「親眼觀察到的事物的傳承，是比資訊和所學到的事物的傳承更全面、更完整的東西。
由[親眼觀察]所養成的習慣更為完善，根基更為牢固。
」 Muqaddimah 2:346。
另請參閱 Eickelman, 「Art of Memory,」 p. 501 note 20, 以及 A. Miquel, Géographie humaine 1:135 and passim, 以瞭解「生活的真相」對中古旅行者的重要性。

135. 見第 77 頁。
136. 例如，請參閱 al-Ghassani 的 Iftikāk，其中對於所觀察世界的描述與 aş-Şaffär 相比是極簡的。
有關十八世紀英國小說中寫實主義的發展，請參閱 lan Watt, The Rise of the Novel：
 研究笛福，理查德兒子和菲爾丁（伯克利，1957 年），第 1 章。

137. 引自 Guizot 給 Pourcet 和 Urbain 的指示，AAE/CPM 15/23 November 1845。
路易-菲利普在他寫給 Mulay Abd ar-Rahman 的信中更清楚地說明了這一想法，他在信中總結了這次訪問：
 「我的大臣們奉命向[大使]展示我們在藝術和工業方面的任何奇觀('ajā'ib)"。
DAR 17575，1846 年 2 月 13 日。

138. 法國東方學家 Silvestre de Sacy 指出，at-Tahțāwī 對所有法國人的評價都是「'adprès les habitants de Paris」。
Louca, L'or, p. 218。

139. 1842 年，Eugene Sue 的《Les mystères de Paris》在《Jour-nal des débats》上連載，向讀者介紹了 「巴黎貧窮和暴力的可怕地下世界」。
David Pinkney, Decisive Years in France, 1840-47 (Princeton, 1986), p. 97。

140. I. de Sola Pool, 「Effects of Cross-national Contact on National and International Images,」 in H. Kelman, ed., International Behavior, A Social-psychological Analysis (New York, 1965), p. 122.

141. Miquel 的觀點 (Géographie humaine 1:115)，基於他對 Lévi-Strauss's Tristes Tropiques, trans. J. Russell (New York, 1970), pp.

142. Géographie humaine 1:115, 120。

143. 引自 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey 的序言：
 轉引自 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley, 1986) 的序言，第 xv 頁。

144. 有關摩洛哥的旅行速度，請參閱 Laroui, Origines, 頁 54-55。
Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53 是法國資料的來源。
以下有關早期鐵路及其對乘客心理影響的討論，靈感來自 Schivelbusch, Railway Journey, 第 4 章。

145. Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53。

146. 見第 115 頁。

147. 147. 當然，除了蘇丹宮殿中的鍾和重要清真寺中的鍾，這些鍾都準時以確定正確的禱告時間。
Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:138-39.

148. J. H. D. Hay 在描述拉巴特一間舒適的房子時說：
 「[它] 裝修得很有摩爾風格，有各式地毯、鏡子和時鐘，後者一般會沉溺在他們喜歡的時刻」。
日誌》，第 43 頁。

149. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam：
 149. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam: Religion and Society in the Modern Arab World (New York, 1982), p. 187.

150. 見第 135 頁。

151. Ernst Rackow, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der materiellen Kultur NordwestMarokkos：
 Wohnraum, Hausrat, Kostüm (Wiesbaden, 1958)，第 5 頁和 Tafel 4. 典型德圖安房屋的平面圖。

152. 請參閱第 129 頁。

153. Rackow, Beiträge, p. 7。

154. 見第 161 頁。

155. 見 pp.

 

156. 見 Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988), ch. 1, 關於歐洲秩序思想對十九世紀埃及的影響。

157. 見第 220 頁。

158. Laroui, Origines, p. 228。
D. R. Howard, Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, 1980), pp.