1-7相遇的意義

 1-7Meanings in the Encounter

1-7相遇的意義

The significance of aş-Şaffar's journey to France lies both in its uniqueness and in its universality. In the pages of the rihla, a mute voice from the past comes alive in all its nuances, giving us entry into a world otherwise inaccessible. If the value of the travel account lies in its literalness and its "continual reference to actuality," then here we find ourselves in the presence ence of the real. The fact that illu- minates, the impression based on a clairvoyant naïveté, contain within them the humanness of the account. Given our limited knowledge of the times, and the absence of other voices that speak with equal clarity, it is the particularity of the rihla that enlarges our understanding.

aş-Şaffar 的法國之旅的意義在於其獨特性和普遍性。在 Rihla 的書頁中，一個來自過去的啞巴聲音以其細微的差異栩栩如生地呈現在我們眼前，讓我們得以進入一個原本無法進入的世界。如果旅遊記載的價值在於其字面意義及其「不斷參照實際情況」，那麼在這裡，我們發現自己置身於真實的存在之中。事實上，敘述、基於千里眼的天真印象，包含了敘述的人性。由於我們對那個時代的認識有限，也沒有其他同樣清晰的聲音，因此，rihla 的特殊性擴大了我們的理解。

But the voyage also strikes chords that go beyond the concrete, especially when the text is examined through prisms other than the strictly historical. In this section, I shall propose ways of interpret- ing aş-Şaffar's rihla that evoke deeper levels of meaning. Anthro- pologists have had insights into the nature of the travel experience, and literary critics have elaborated on the structure and content of its narrative expression; both inform my effort.

但是，這次航行也喚起了超越具體的共鳴，尤其是當透過嚴格歷史以外的稜鏡來檢視文本時。在本節中，我將提出詮釋 aş-Şaffar 的 rihla 的方法，以喚起更深層次的意義。人類學家對於旅行經驗的本質有深刻的見解，文學評論家對於旅行經驗敘事表達的結構和內容也有詳細的闡述；兩者都為我的努力提供了參考。

Critic Paul Fussell has said that travel literature is a genre that bridges two modes of perception: first, the actual, nonfanciful, physical world; second, an imaginative mode, where the specific becomes the general, fact becomes figure, and observation is trans- formed into vision. "A travel book is like a poem in giving universal significance to a local texture."117 His subject is British travel writ- ing between the two world wars, but his comment applies with equal force to the rihla of Muhammad aş-Şaffär, suggesting that the best examples of this genre, regardless of their particular cultural matrix, possess corresponding qualities of universality.

評論家 Paul Fussell 說，旅行文學是一種橋接兩種感知模式的文學體裁：第一種是實際的、非幻想的、實體的世界；第二種是想像的模式，在這種模式中，具體變為一般，事實變為形象，觀察變為視覺。「117 他的主題是兩次世界大戰之間的英國旅遊著作，但他的評論同樣適用於 Muhammad aş-Şaffär的《rihla》，說明這種體裁的最佳範例，不論其特殊的文化基底，都具備相應的普遍性特質。

For most of us, travel to distant places is a magical and trans- forming life event. Anthropologists have long noted the effect travel has on human perceptions and behavior, and especially its ability to transport us out of the ordinary, or "profane," into a time and space that become endowed with "sacred" qualities. Whether for plea- sure or duty, travel is an interlude that interposes itself into daily life, separating the humdrum from the marvelous; indeed, the very alternation between the two states of ordinary and extraordinary can become a measure of the passage of time itself. One way we count the stages of our lives, says Nelson Graburn, is through fluc- tuations between the sacred and the profane. Travel helps define time for us, by composing life into segments marked by rituals of leaving and returning. 119

對我們大多數人而言，到遙遠的地方旅行是一件神奇且跨越時空的人生大事。人類學家早已注意到旅行對人類觀念與行為的影響，尤其是它能將我們從平凡或「褻瀆」的生活中帶入一個具有「神聖」特質的時空。無論是出於懇求或職責，旅行都是穿插在日常生活中的一段插曲，將平凡與奇妙分隔開來；事實上，平凡與不平凡這兩種狀態的交替，可以成為時間流逝本身的量度。Nelson Graburn 說，我們計算人生階段的一種方式，就是透過神聖與平凡之間的交替。旅行幫助我們定義時間，將生命組合成以離去與回歸儀式為標誌的片段。119

These two events, the wrenching departure and the ecstatic re- turn, bracket the voyage and transport it to the level of the uncom- mon. Fussell notices the "tripartite" structure of the travel account, in which the protagonist, like a romantic hero, leaves the familiar and wanders into the unknown: "First, the setting out, the disjunc- tion from the familiar; second, the trials of initiation and adventure; and third, the hero's return and reintegration into society." The voyage is like a "microlife, with a bright beginning, a middle, and an end. marked by rituals that thrust us irreversibly down life's path."

這兩件事，令人心碎的出發和欣喜若狂的再轉身，把整個旅程括起來，並把它帶到未知的層面。Fussell 注意到旅行記載的 「三段式 」結構，其中的主角就像一個浪漫的英雄，離開熟悉的環境，遊走於未知的世界：「第一，出發，從熟悉的環境中脫離；第二，開始與冒險的考驗；第三，英雄的回歸與重新融入社會」。航程就像一個「微觀生命，有明顯的開、中、結，以儀式為標記，將我們不可逆轉地推向生命之路」。

In aş-Şaffar's rihla, the setting out from the ordinary, and the transition to a heightened intellectual and emotional state, come through with special clarity. Although the Moroccan scholar is an unlikely figure for a heroic adventurer, he nevertheless undergoes an extraordinary experience, and his words give an indication of his excitation. On leaving Tetuan, he aches at the parting: "O my splendid Tetuan," he poetizes, "will fate allow us to come home, and will we meet again after the crashing waves, will we be reunited?" The pain of separation is compounded by his fear of the sea. The ocean voyage is more than a passage to the unknown, it is a flirtation with death, and here the emotion is also archetypal, for often in the back of the traveler's mind is the fear of dying far from home.

在 aş-Şaffar 的《rihla》中，擺脫平凡、過渡到更高的智力和情感狀態，都特別清晰。儘管這位摩洛哥學者不太可能是一位英勇的冒險家，但他卻經歷了非凡的體驗，而他的說話也顯示出他的興奮。在離開德端時，他對離別感到痛心： 「我壯麗的德團啊，」他詩意地說，"命運會讓我們回家嗎？我們會在驚波駭浪之後重逢嗎？他對大海的恐懼加重了離別的痛苦。遠洋航行不僅是通往未知世界的通道，更是與死亡的調情，這裡的情感也具有原型性，因為在旅行者的腦海中，往往存在著對遠離家鄉而死去的恐懼。

The return is also fraught with difficulties. Stepping back into the familiar, the traveler is caught in emotional ambivalence. Com- ing home not only means rejoining missed loved ones; it also means returning to the constraints of normal life and leaving behind the magic of the journey. 123 In the rihla there is no description of the homecoming; nevertheless, there is an emotional climax. On the final page of the manuscript, aş-Şaffär takes leave of France by saying: "May God forgive me for what my hands have committed, for the repulsive abominations my eyes have witnessed, and for the ab- horrent blasphemies and confused mutterings of the misguided that my ears have heard." This remark represents closure: it is both an acknowledgment of the wonders seen, and a disavowal of associa- tion with them. With it, aş-Şaffar consciously breaks away from the enchantment of the sacred experience, and begins the reentry into the ordinary.

回程也充滿困難。回到熟悉的地方，旅行者陷入情感的矛盾。回家不僅意味著與思念的親人重逢，也意味著回到正常生活的束縛中，拋開旅途的魔力。123 在 Rihla 中沒有回家的描述，然而卻有情感的高潮。在手稿的最後一頁，aş-Şaffär 向法國告別時說：「願主原諒我的遭遇： 「願上帝原諒我的雙手所犯下的罪行，原諒我的雙眼所目睹的令人厭惡的惡行，原諒我的雙耳所聽到的駭人聽聞的褻瀆之言和誤入歧途者的混亂嘟囔」。這句話代表了結束：它既是對所見奇事的承認，也是對與奇事關係的否定。有了這句話，阿斯-沙法爾有意識地擺脫了神聖經驗的迷惑，開始重新回到平凡。

The threefold structure of the journey elevates it into "an alle- gory of human life itself,"125 and like life, it has moments high and low. Some of what aş-Şaffär saw in France concerns the mundane, but much also relates to his meeting with the strange, the bizarre, and the unexpected. The novelty of the subject is the source of its difficulty as well as its fascination. In the culture from which aş- Şaffar came, the unprecedented was suspect, the new could be dan- gerous. Franz Rosenthal notes that, in the manuscript age, "the ul- timate success of new ideas which did not fit in with dominant sys- tems of thought was uncertain. If a new idea did not find the approval of a comparatively large group of scholars in a compara- tively short interval of time, it was likely to be buried in a library, with an infinitesimal chance of subsequent rediscovery."126 For one who had to report on so much that was unfamiliar, the issue of cred- ibility loomed large. In order for his ideas to be accepted, they had to be cast in forms that were recognized and approved by the keep- ers of tradition. Fearing that his report would be rejected by his learned peers, aş-Şaffär knew that to make the new wine most pal- atable, it had to be served in old bottles.

旅程的三重結構將它提升為「人類生命本身的血肉」125，就像生命一樣，它有高潮和低潮的時刻。Aş-Şaffär 在法國的所見所聞，有些與世俗有關，但也有很多與他遇到的奇特、怪異和意想不到的事物有關。主題的新穎性是其難度與魅力的來源。在 aş- Şaffar 來自的文化中，前所未見是令人懷疑的，而新的事物則可能是可怕的。Franz Rosenthal 指出，在手稿時代，"不符合主流思想體系的新思想能否取得最終的成功是不確定的。如果一個新觀點不能在相對較短的時間內得到相對較多學者的認同，它很可能會被埋藏在圖書館中，隨後被重新發現的機會微乎其微 "126。為了使他的觀點被接受，這些觀點必須以傳統守護者認可和批准的形式出現。Aş-Şaffär 擔心他的報告會被學識淵博的同行所拒絕，他知道要讓新酒最容易入口，就必須用舊瓶盛酒。

Other realities weighed on him as well. It may be recalled that the Sultan was interested in the project, thus raising it to a higher level of seriousness. The report would be scrutinized and discussed at court, and perhaps would be read by Mulay Abd ar-Rahman himself. Some in the entourage would be friends from student days; others would be related through family or patronage; all would be men of his own social class. In order not to disgrace himself or his patron Ash'ash, he had to perform well. His account had to be en- dowed with qualities of erudition, respect, and ideological correct- ness that would commend it to the inner circle; moreover, it had to have the accuracy, literary elegance, and proper form expected from a man of letters. It is not surprising that aş-Şaffär struggled with the task.

其他的現實也對他造成壓力。大家可能還記得，蘇丹對這個專案很感興趣，因此將其提升到更高的嚴肅層級。報告會在宮廷中被仔細審閱和討論，也許會由 Mulay Abd ar-Rahman 本人閱讀。隨從中有些人是學生時代的朋友，有些人則是透過家族或贊助而建立的關係；所有這些人都是他自己的社會階級。為了不讓自己或其贊助人 Ash'ash 蒙羞，他必須好好表現。他的記述必須具有博學、尊重和意識形態正確的特質，這樣才能得到內部圈子的讚賞；此外，它還必須具有文人應有的準確性、文學上的優雅和正確的形式。因此，aş-Şaffär 在這項任務上掙扎不已也就不足為奇了。

What elements of style gave it the "right" qualities? First of all, there was as-Saffar's decision to cast the report as a rihla, a time- honored literary form having roots deep in the classical tradition. While travel accounts have been written in many places and times, the genre flourished to a luxuriant degree in Spain and the Maghrib. Devout in their faith, yet distant from its sources in Arabia, Ma- ghribis were dutiful in performing the pilgrimage, or hajj, to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. The pilgrimage account, by which the pilgrim shared his adventure with others, was the archetypal sacred story: the invocations to God, the stages of the journey, the dangers passed, the achievement of the distant goal, were recog- nized points in a formalized narrative structure. Reaching the Holy Places was the emotional high point in which all events in the jour- ney were subsumed; its attainment gave form and purpose to the voyage and rendered it meaningful in a way that a simple chrono- logical account could not. In time, the genre of the rihla expanded to include accounts of journeys for other purposes, such as study or diplomacy, but the most perfect model for travel and its narration remained the pilgrimage to the Holy Places of the Hijaz.

是什麼樣的風格元素賦予它 「正確 」的特質呢？首先，as-Saffar 決定將報告寫成 rihla，這是一種在古典傳統中根深蒂固、歷久不衰的文學形式。儘管遊記在許多地方和時代都有記載，但這種文體在西班牙和馬格裡布（Maghrib）卻發展得十分蓬勃。馬格里布人信仰虔誠，但卻遠離阿拉伯的源頭，他們盡忠職守，前往聖城麥加和麥地那朝拜。朝聖者與他人分享其冒險經歷的朝聖紀錄，是典型的神聖故事：對神的祈求、旅途的階段、經歷的危險、達成遙遠目標等，都是形式化敘事結構中的重點。到達聖地是情感的最高點，旅程中的所有事件都歸入其中；達成這一目標賦予了航行的形式和目的，並使其有意義，而簡單的時間邏輯記載則無法做到這一點。隨著時間的推移，rihla 的體裁也擴展到其他目的的旅行記載，如學習或外交，但最完美的旅行及其敘述模式仍然是前往希吉茲的聖地朝聖。

The Maghribi tradition of the rihla was a part of aş-Şaffar's cul- tural apparatus, providing the logical form in which to cast his travel experience. More important, it was also known to his readers---so much so that reading the Prologue of his text, which recalls the opening words of the pilgrimage account, must have been as reassuring as the incantation of a sacred text. 127

馬格里比傳統的 rihla 是 aş-Şaffar 文化裝置的一部分，為他的旅行經歷提供了合乎邏輯的形式。更重要的是，這也是他的讀者所熟知的--以至於在閱讀他的文本序言時，回想起朝聖記載的開場白，一定會像聖經的咒語一樣令人安心。127

But here there is a problem. The highest and purest form of journey is to the sources of Islam, to the holiest shrines of the faith. A journey to the West, on the other hand, is an inversion: it is a voyage to the unholy and the impure. In the West, the Muslim trav- eler was subjected to the rules and temptations of a society that was at its core corrupt. There, it was a trial to carry out the duties of the faith; there too, the threat of pollution was omnipresent. The prob- lem for as-Saffar (as well as for other Muslim travelers to Europe) was how to shake off the clinging odor of the impure, and to justify the undertaking to those left behind.

但這裡有一個問題。最高、最純潔的旅行形式是前往伊斯蘭教的源頭，前往信仰最神聖的聖地。另一方面，前往西方的旅程卻是一種顛倒：它是前往不聖潔、不純淨之地的旅程。在西方，穆斯林旅行者要面對以腐敗為核心的社會規則和誘惑。在那裡，履行信仰的責任是一種考驗；在那裡，污染的威脅也無所不在。As-Saffar (以及其他前往歐洲的穆斯林旅行者) 所面臨的問題是如何擺脫不潔的氣味，並向留守者證明此行的正當。

Aş-Şaffar was conscious of this problem, and his solution is to invoke the formula of maşalih al-umma, "the welfare of the Islamic people." The journey, according to this argument, merits the ap- proval of the community because it conforms to religious values of protecting the faithful. Aş-Şaffär says that the Sultan dispatched the mission because he was "mindful of his duty to watch over the. affairs of all our people"; indeed, he goes on to say that the protec- tion of the Islamic community has always been a concern of its leaders. "The Prophet... sent out the best from among his compan- ions on missions, providing an example followed by the rightly guided caliphs and imams." No higher authority than this-the precedent set by the early followers of the faith-could be invoked to set a seal of approval on the venture. The concurrence of the com- munity in the voyage is an essential element in travel, says Graburn, so that the expenditure of time and effort that could be devoted to other social purposes is justified. 129 By associating his effort with the sacred pilgrimage, and by invoking the beneficial results of di- plomacy in the past, as-Saffär seeks approval by locating the under- taking within the mainstream of a long tradition.

Aş-Şaffar意識到了這個問題，他的解決方案是援引maşalih al-umma的公式，即 「伊斯蘭人民的福祉」。根據這個論據，這次旅行值得社會的認同，因為它符合保護信徒的宗教價值觀。Aş-Şaffär說，蘇丹派遣使團是因為他 「牢記自己有責任監督我們所有人民的事務」；事實上，他繼續說，保護伊斯蘭社區一直是其領導人關注的問題。「先知......從他的同伴中派出最優秀的人執行使命，為受到正確引導的哈里發和伊瑪目樹立了榜樣」。沒有比這個更高的權威--信仰的早期追隨者開創的先例--可以被援引來為這次冒險設置批准印章。Graburn 說，社會大眾對於航行的贊同是旅行的基本要素，如此一來，原本可以用於其他社會目的的時間與精力的支出就有了合理的理由。129 薩法爾將自己的努力與神聖的朝聖聯繫起來，並援引過去的 「獻身 」所帶來的好處，將自己的 「獻身 」定位在悠久傳統的主流中，從而尋求認同。

Although aş-Şaffar had no prior direct experience of France, he most certainly had preconceived notions about Europe from others who had traveled, and from his own knowledge of social organiza- tion in general. His education not only provided him with the lit- erary model of the rihla, it also gave him concepts about the way society is structured, derived in large measure from the writing of Ibn Khaldūn, the fourteenth-century Maghribi historian, philoso- pher, and social theorist. Ibn Khaldūn's Muqaddima was the rich and abundant source from which aş-Şaffar drew his ideas about geog- raphy, society, and the nature of political authority. 130

儘管阿斯-薩法爾之前並沒有法國的直接經驗，但他肯定從其他旅行過的人，以及他自己對一般社會組織的知識，對歐洲有先入為主的觀念。他所受的教育不僅為他提供了里赫拉 (rihla) 的文學模式，還給予他關於社會結構方式的觀念，這些觀念在很大程度上來自十四世紀馬格裡布 (Maghribi) 歷史學家、哲學家和社會理論家伊本‧哈爾敦 (Ibn Khaldūn)的著作。Ibn Khaldūn的Muqaddima是aş-Şaffar汲取其關於地理、社會和政治權力本質的豐富而充實的來源。130

Ibn Khaldün was concerned with culture ('umran) and the way it manifested itself in society. For him, the most efficient way for mankind to live is in groups, and the survival and prosperity of the group is dependent on the degree of cooperation among its mem- bers. When aş-Şaffar says France is a "center of civilization," he sees the Khaldunian ideal in action-large numbers of people working industriously and in harmony. Aş-Şaffar also adopted Ibn Khal- dun's notions of political power. The Maghribi philosopher be- lieved that men in their natural state are selfish and aggressive, and have to be restrained by force. The well-run society is characterized by a strong king and army, and sound finances to support them. Aş-Şaffar's concern for military and money matters in the pages of the rihla is not only a reflection of Morocco's predicament; it is also a projection of his belief, based on his reading of Ibn Khaldūn, that they are the twin pillars of the secure state.

伊本‧哈爾敦 (Ibn Khaldün) 關注文化 ('umran)，以及文化在社會中的表現方式。在他看來，人類最有效的生活方式是群體生活，而群體的生存與繁榮取決於成員間的合作程度。當阿斯-沙法爾說法國是「文明的中心」時，他看到的是卡爾敦理想的實踐--大量的人辛勤工作、和諧共處。Aş-Şaffar 也採納了 Ibn Khal- dun 的政治權力觀念。這位馬格裡比哲學家認為，人在自然狀態下是自私和好鬥的，必須用武力來約束。管理良好的社會的特點是有強大的國王和軍隊，以及健全的財政來支持他們。Aş-Şaffar 在《rihla》中對軍事和財政問題的關注不僅反映了摩洛哥的困境，也是他在閱讀 Ibn Khaldūn（伊本-哈爾敦）的基礎上所建立的信念的投射，即它們是安全國家的雙重支柱。

Ibn Khaldūn's theories of social organization provided aş-Şaffär with a blueprint for the productive society. The landscapes filled with houses and buildings, the workshops humming with activity, the plowed and cultivated fields that aş-Şaffär saw in France were signs of the advanced civilization he recognized from the pages of the Muqaddima. Even the Sultan's "speech from the throne" on New Year's Day is an expression of Khaldunian notions of royal author- ity. These ideas were part of the body of tradition transmitted from one generation of Moroccan scholars to the next in the re- stricted milieu of higher learning; familiar to the well-educated, they reverberated and evoked recognition in the minds of those who read the rihla. The invocation of his Maghribi predecessor allowed aş-Şaffar a certain amount of latitude; by casting his vision of France in the Khaldunian mode, he could express admiration for the French and their achievements, while staying within the bounds of the culturally permissible. He was able to do this because French society, at least in its outward aspects, seemed to him to conform to a fourteenth-century Islamic idea of the well-run state.

Ibn Khaldūn的社會組織理論為aş-Şaffär提供了生產社會的藍圖。aş-Şaffär 在法國看到的充滿房屋和建築的風景、嗡嗡作響的作坊、耕耘的田地，都是他從《穆卡迪馬》中認識到的先進文明的跡象。即使是蘇丹在元旦的「王位演說」也是卡爾敦王權觀念的表達。這些思想是摩洛哥學者在嚴格的高等學府環境中代代相傳的傳統的一部分；受過良好教育的人對這些思想耳熟能詳，它們在讀書人的腦海中迴響，並喚起他們的認同。對馬格里布前輩的引用允許了 aş-Şaffar 一定程度的自由度；通過以卡爾敦的模式描繪他對法國的願景，他可以表達對法國人及其成就的欽佩，同時保持在文化允許的範圍內。他之所以能夠做到這一點，是因為在他看來，法國社會，至少在其外在方面，似乎符合 14 世紀伊斯蘭教對於良好管理國家的想法。

If Ibn Khaldūn contributed the scaffolding for aş-Şaffar's narra- tive, it was at-Tahtawi who provided material for construction. One oblique mention of the Egyptian writer is all that is made, but a comparison of the two voyages shows that aş-Şaffär borrowed much from the Egyptian. Whether aş-Şaffär read at-Tahtāwī's Takhlis while he was still in France, or found a copy of it in Mo- rocco after his return, is impossible to tell. But at some point the book lay open before him, and he took extensive notes. Similarities in style, format, details, even turns of phrase betray a borrowing that would be deemed plagiaristic by Western standards, but in the Islamic tradition merely indicates confidence in a reliable source.

如果說 Ibn Khaldūn 為 aş-Şaffar 的敘事提供了腳手架，那麼 at-Tahtawi 則提供了建造的材料。書中只提到一位埃及作家，但兩次航行的比較顯示，aş-Şaffär 從埃及人那裡借用了很多東西。無論 aş-Şaffär 是在法國時讀過 at-Tahtāwī 的《Takhlis》，還是回國後在 Mo- rocco 發現了這本書的副本，都無從得知。但在某個時候，這本書在他面前打開，他做了大量的筆記。風格、格式、細節，甚至詞句的相似性都透露出借用的意味，以西方的標準來看，這種借用會被視為剽竊，但在伊斯蘭傳統中，這僅僅表示對可靠來源的信心。

An 'alim like aş-Şaffär, at-Tahtāwī fulfilled a similar role: to pro- vide spiritual guidance to a group of Muslim laymen in a foreign culture. The two men were steeped in the same sources and shared a worldview; although they never met, they enjoyed a spiritual kin- ship that made aş-Şaffar's borrowing that much simpler. Aş-Şaffar esteemed at-Tahțāwī for yet another reason. The Egyptian had spent nearly five years in Paris, the Moroccan only fifty days. By his own admission, aş-Şaffar was deficient in his knowledge of French society. What he lacked in his own experience he sought in at-Tahţawi.

像 aş-Şaffär 和 at-Tahtāwī 的 'alim 擔任著類似的職責：在異國文化中為一群穆斯林信徒提供精神指引。雖然他們從未見過面，但他們在靈性上的親密關係使阿斯-薩法爾的借用變得更加簡單。Aş-Şaffar 推崇 at-Tahțāwī 還有另一個原因。埃及人在巴黎待了將近五年，而摩洛哥人只待了五十天。他自己也承認，aş-Şaffar 對法國社會的認識不足。他在自己的經驗中所缺乏的，他在 at-Tahţawi 中尋找。

However, there are limitations to the similarity between the two accounts, for circumstances made them quite different. When at- Tahtawi left Egypt for France in 1826, the movement for reform in his country was already well under way, backed by the iron will of the Khedive Muhammad Ali. Patterns of change taking shape in Egypt were not yet considered in Morocco, nor would they be for decades. Many of the Egyptian's comments on French philosophy, politics, social mores, and scientific learning were incomprehensible to the Moroccan, and certain topics mentioned in the Takhlis are simply absent in aş-Şaffar's account. It should be recalled that at- Tahţăāwī was sent by a leadership on the offensive; aş-Şaffär was dis- patched by a leadership in retreat. At-Tahţāwī's aim was to be an advocate for reform; aş-Şaffar's intention was merely to observe and report. At-Tahtāwī's rihla was commissioned by an admiring Khedive; aş-Şaffar's was read by a limited coterie within the Ma- khzan whose attitude toward change was dubious at best. In the final analysis, these divergent factors determined the shape of each work and made them different.

然而，這兩種描述的相似性也有其局限性，因為當時的情況使他們迥然不同。當 At- Tahtawi 於 1826 年離開埃及前往法國時，他的國家已經開始了改革運動，並得到穆罕默德‧阿里皇帝 (Khedive Muhammad Ali) 的鐵腕支持。摩洛哥尚未考慮埃及正在形成的變革模式，幾十年內也不會考慮。埃及人對法國哲學、政治、社會風俗和科學的評論，摩洛哥人無法理解，而 Takhlis 中提到的某些主題，在 aş-Şaffar 的描述中根本不存在。我們應該記得，At- Tahţăāwī是由進攻中的領導派來的；而aş-Şaffär則是由撤退中的領導派來的。At-Tahţāwī 的目的是提倡改革；aş-Şaffar 的目的只是觀察和報告。At-Tahtāwī 的 rihla 是由欽佩的 Khedive 委託撰寫的；而 aş-Şaffar 的 rihla 則是由 Ma- khzan 內部有限的小圈子閱讀，他們對於改革的態度充其量也只是存疑。歸根結柢，這些不同的因素決定了每部作品的形態，也使它們與眾不同。

Aş-Şaffar's singularity stems not only from background condi- tions, but also from the immediacy of his observations. He saw France through the lens of a value system that favored knowledge gained from direct, "lived" experience over knowledge gained from books, and his voyage is filled with vivid firsthand impressions. The notion of personal observation, or 'iyan, meant learning with- out mediation; it was considered the purest form of knowing by the classical traveler. 114 Aş-Şaffar invokes this principle explicitly and demonstrates it by example. He tells us that "there is no other way of obtaining useful information except by mixing with people, "135 and in his narrative he regales us with details to convince us he was actually there. Even when the function of the thing described is not fully understood, it is depicted in full, for the fineness of detail is a value in itself, and an apprehension of truth. Thus the tedious ex- planations of arcane scientific experiments, the precise counting of candles in the dining room, the faithful rendering of the structure of a bridge: aş-Şaffär reports these details, not so that the thing itself may be replicated, but rather to assure us of the reality of his pres- ence. Although conformity to tradition was still the main criterion for truth in aş-Şaffar's milieu, his emphasis on the individuality of his own experience signals the beginning of a new, more realistic literary style, which brought together the teller and the thing told more intimately than in the past. Not merely mind-numbing mi- nutiae, these details are an assertion of the self, reminding us of the authenticity of the encounter. 136

Aş-Şaffar 的獨特之處不僅來自背景條件，也來自他觀察的直接性。他透過價值體系的鏡頭觀察法國，這種價值體系傾向於從直接的「生活」經驗中獲得知識，而非從書本中獲得知識，他的航行充滿了生動的第一手印象。個人觀察的概念，或稱為 「iyan」，意味著不經中介的學習，被古典旅行家視為最純粹的知識形式。114 Aş-Şaffar明確地引用了這一原則，並舉例說明。他告訴我們，「除了與人打交道之外，沒有其他方法可以獲得有用的資訊」，135 而且在他的敘述中，他用許多細節讓我們相信他真的身在其中。即使所描述事物的功能未被完全理解，也會被完整地描繪出來，因為細節本身就是一種價值，也是對真理的理解。因此，乏味的神秘科學實驗、餐廳蠟燭的精確計數、橋樑結構的忠實呈現：Aş-Şaffär 報告這些細節，不是為了複製事物本身，而是為了向我們保證他的預設的真實性。儘管在阿斯-沙法爾的生活環境中，遵從傳統仍然是衡量真實性的主要標準，但他對自身經歷個性的強調，標誌著一種新的、更現實的文學風格的開始，這種風格將講述者和被講述的事物更緊密地聯繫在一起。這些細節不只是令人頭痛的瑣事，而是一種自我肯定，提醒我們遭遇的真實性。136

Moreover, as-Saffär makes careful distinctions between what he sees and what "they" tell him, which further enhances his credibil- ity. "They claim," "they say," and similar phrases indicate that the information to follow is at second hand, perhaps from an inter- preter, and we immediately take it in with a jaundiced eye. He re- alized that his hosts manipulated what they showed. Kept within their control, the Moroccans were led from one tourist site to an- other in order to receive "the best impression of the grandeur and power of France."137 Aş-Şaffär resents the long, uncomfortable de- tour to Toulon in order to see the French fleet, and he chafes with chagrin at the military display on the Champ-de-Mars. A hierarchy of truth is implicit in the text, with direct observation at the highest level, transmitted knowledge from Muslim sources in the middle, and information from his Christian hosts at the bottom. Aş-Şaffar is deft at making explicit the precise value of each.

此外，as-Saffär 仔細區分了他所看到的和「他們」告訴他的，這進一步提高了他的可信度。「他們聲稱」、「他們說」和類似的詞句表示接下來的資訊是第二手的，也許是來自一位預言者，而我們馬上就會以陰險的眼光來看待這些資訊。他認為他的主人操控了他們所展示的東西。137 Aş-Şaffär對於為了參觀法國艦隊而前往土倫（Toulon）的漫長而不舒服的旅行感到厭惡，對於香榭大道（Champ-de-Mars）上的軍事展覽感到懊惱。文中隱含了真相的等級，最高等級是直接觀察，中間是從穆斯林來源傳播的知識，最底層則是他的基督徒主人提供的資訊。Aş-Şaffar 善於明確指出每種資訊的精確價值。

Despite his ardor for truth, aş-Şaffar can only give us a partial impression of France. He was limited by what he saw and what he understood. Like at-Tahțāwī, France for him was largely Paris, a city of the salon, the boulevard, and the spectacle. 13 He saw little of the seamy underside of Parisian life-the poverty and suffering, the armies of destitute workers and prostitutes, the shocking in- equalities between rich and poor-that animated the contemporary literature of social protest. For him, Paris was populated by chaste women and industrious men who labored in the interests of a just and well-ordered state. Paris was the place of magic, the symbolic as well as physical locus where the purpose of the journey would be fulfilled. By idealizing Paris, aş-Şaffar elevated it to the sacred, and intensified the dialogue with home that forms a distinct subtext of his journey.

儘管 Aş-Şaffar 熱衷於追求真理，但他只能為我們提供法國的部分印象。他受限於他的所見所聞。就像 At-Tahțāwī 一樣，對他來說，法國主要是巴黎，一個沙龍、林蔭大道和奇景之都。13 他幾乎看不到巴黎生活的骯髒底層--貧窮與苦難、赤貧工人與娼妓大軍，以及令人震驚的貧富不均--而當代的社會抗議文學正是以這些為靈感。對他來說，巴黎充滿了貞潔的婦女和勤奮的男人，他們為了正義和秩序良好的國家而努力。巴黎是一個充滿魔力的地方，是一個象徵和實際的地方，在那裡旅行的目的將得以實現。將巴黎理想化後，aş-Şaffar 將巴黎提升為神聖之地，並加強了與故鄉的對話，而這正是他旅程的獨特潛台詞。

For the alternation between the sacred and the profane in travel creates an inevitable tension in the traveler's consciousness, a ten- sion between the place visited and the place left behind. Even if we try to forget home, countless moments on the journey remind us of it. 140 The travel experience is like a two-sided mirror: one side re- flects the new, the other preserves the image of the known. Inevi- tably, one begins to think in terms of contrasts, both favorable and unfavorable, with home. The speed and comfort of travel in France stirs poignant memories of the difficulties of travel in Morocco; the fertile pastures seen from the window of the carriage are reminders of the more verdant fields at home.

因為旅行中神聖與庸俗之間的交替，在旅行者的意識中產生了一種不可避免的張力，一種所到之處與所遺之地之間的張力。即使我們試圖忘記家鄉，旅途中無數的時刻仍會提醒我們。140 旅遊經驗就像一面雙面鏡：一面反射新事物，另一面保留已知事物的影像。無可避免地，人們開始思考與家的對比，有好的，也有壞的。在法國旅行的快速與舒適，勾起了在摩洛哥旅行的艱辛回憶；從馬車窗外看到的肥沃牧場，讓人聯想到家鄉更青翠的田野。

At these points of divergence, the writer brings us closest to grasping the nature of the imaginative process that underlies the journey. These are the moments when the subdued counterpoint between the external and internal worlds becomes sufficiently au- dible for us to listen in. In Tristes Tropiques, Claude Lévi-Strauss notes that travel means dislocation in three dimensions: time, space, and social relations. 141 For the medieval Muslim traveler, according to André Miquel, the dissonance of the journey to non-Muslim lands created an incomparable opportunity to transcend the banality of everyday experience and to challenge the imagination. 142 In order to truly understand the dynamic of the cultural encounter, one must enter into the consciousness of the traveler at the point of disorien- tation, where cumulative values no longer apply, where the shock of the new refreshes thought. "We look for evidence of culture," says Alan Trachtenberg, "at those minute points of contact between new things and old habits, and we include in our sense of history the power of things themselves to impress and shape and evoke a response within consciousness."143 Thus the journey of aş-Şaffar can be looked at from another perspective that is, as a set of lively in- teractions "between new things and old habits" that represent the intensity of his responses to phenomena at their very moment of newness. We shall now examine this juxtaposition of feeling and object in the three categories Lévi-Strauss identifies as most suscep- tible to dislocation during the voyage: time, space, and social rela- tions.

在這些分歧點上，作家帶領我們最接近掌握旅途中想像過程的本質。在這些分歧點上，作家讓我們最接近掌握旅途中想像過程的本質，也就是外在世界與內在世界之間低調的對位，讓我們有足夠的時間聆聽。Claude Lévi-Strauss在《Tristes Tropiques》一書中指出，旅行意味著時間、空間與社會關係三方面的錯位。141 André Miquel 認為，對於中世紀的穆斯林旅行者而言，前往非穆斯林國度的旅程所產生的不協調，創造了無與倫比的機會來超越日常經驗的平庸，並挑戰想像力。142 為了真正了解文化邂逅的動態，我們必須進入旅行者的意識中，在不一致的地方，累積的價值觀不再適用，新事物的衝擊刷新了思考。「艾倫‧特拉滕伯格（Alan Trachtenberg）說：「我們要在新事物與舊習慣之間的微小接觸點，尋找文化的證據；我們的歷史感中，也包含了事物本身在意識中留下深刻印象、塑造並喚起反應的力量。現在，我們將從 Lévi-Strauss 認為在航行中最容易發生錯位的三個類別：時間、空間與社會關係，來檢視這種感覺與物體的並置。

From the moment of his arrival in France, aş-Şaffär's senses reeled with sights and sensations that were totally unfamiliar. The most immediate disorientation was in the relationship of time and space, created by the disparities in technology between France and Morocco, He came from a world where the normal form of travel was by foot or on horseback; he went to Europe at the moment when it was making the transition from animal to mechanical power. In Morocco, the traveler might cover three or four miles in an hour, depending on the terrain; in France, the distance/time ratio, even by animal-drawn transport, was twice as great. The French stagecoach of the 1840s moved at about six miles an hour, but to a Moroccan its velocity seemed tremendous. 144

從抵達法國的那一刻起，aş-Şaffär 的感官就被完全陌生的景象和感覺牽引。最直接的迷失是時間和空間的關係，這是由於法國和摩洛哥在技術上的差異所造成的。他來自一個通常以步行或騎馬為旅行方式的世界；他去歐洲的時候，正是歐洲從畜力轉變為機械動力的時刻。在摩洛哥，根據地形的不同，旅行者可能在一小時內走完三到四英里的路程；而在法國，即使是使用畜力運輸，路程/時間的比例也要高出一倍。19 世紀 40 年代的法國驛馬車每小時行駛約 6 英里，但對摩洛哥人來說，它的速度似乎非常快。144

Aş-Şaffär first meets these new dimensions of speed on the jour- ney by coach from Marseille to Orléans. On entering, the coach seems deceptively familiar, furnished "like a room"; but suddenly, on the open road, the horses begin to move at a speed that is "break- neck, like a cavalry charge." In an instant, the comfortable room is transformed into a rocketlike projectile hurtling through space, subverting previous notions about the capability of the human body to cover distance. When aş-Şaffar rides the railroad between Orléans and Paris, his distance/time disorientation is complete. Even at this early period in the development of the railroad, the cars moved much faster than the stagecoach, at about thirty miles an hour. 145

Aş-Şaffär 從馬賽到奧爾良的旅途中，第一次見到這種新的速度。一進門，馬車似乎很熟悉，「就像一個房間」；但突然間，在開闊的道路上，馬開始以 「騎兵衝鋒般的速度 」前進。在一瞬間，舒適的房間變成了火箭般的飛彈，在太空中急速飛行，顛覆了以往對人體飛行距離能力的觀念。當 aş-Şaffar 搭乘鐵路來往於奧爾良與巴黎之間時，他對於距離/時間的迷失已經完成。即使在鐵路發展的早期，車廂的行駛速度也比驛馬車快得多，大約每小時 30 英里。145

Aş-Şaffar describes his sensation: he is carried along at "a speed [1] had never experienced, almost like a bird flying through the air. ... When we looked at the sides of the road, we could not see what was there; it looked like an endless ribbon moving along with us, and we could not distinguish anything."140 The feeling of fly- ing-which, incidentally, was not unique to the Muslim traveler, for European travelers used almost identical language to describe their first train ride had the effect of collapsing time and space to nothingness. In two and a half hours, a journey that would have taken days in Morocco was over. We know that perceptions of space and time and the connections between them are culturally deter- mined; we also know that those relationships can be relearned through repeated experience. Such was the case with the railroad ride, which eventually became routine for both Westerners and non-Westerners. The virtue of aş-Şaffar's account is that we are present at the crux of newness, experiencing the event unalloyed with prior knowledge or sensation.

Aş-Şaffar 描述了他的感覺：他被帶著以 「一種 [1] 從未體驗過的速度前進，幾乎就像一隻鳥在空中飛翔......」。......當我們看見路的兩邊時，我們看不到那裏有什麼；它看起來就像一條無盡的絲帶，隨著我們前進，我們無法分辨出任何東西。"140 飛行的感覺--順便說一下，這並非穆斯林旅行者所獨有，因為歐洲旅行者使用幾乎相同的語言來描述他們第一次乘坐火車的感覺，其效果是將時間和空間坍塌為虛無。在兩個半小時之內，在摩洛哥需要好幾天的旅程就結束了。我們知道，對空間和時間的感知以及它們之間的聯繫是由文化決定的；我們也知道，這些關係可以通過重複的經驗重新學習。乘坐鐵路就是這樣，最終成為西方人和非西方人的例行公事。aş-Şaffar 的描述的優點在於我們在新事物的關鍵時刻身歷其境，體驗未經先前知識或感覺洗禮的事件。

The rihla records other delicate subversions of fundamental space/time relations. During his journey to France, aş-Şaffär made the transition from a world in which time was measured by fitual to a world in which time, for the most part, was measured by the mechanical ticking of a clock. In Morocco, and indeed in all the lands of Islam, the passage of the day is punctuated by the times of prayer. One rises for the morning prayers, dines after the noon prayers, ends the day with the evening prayers. In the traditional Muslim male world, meetings were set, business arranged, and contracts concluded according to the fixed points of prayertime; indeed, one is continually reminded of the time of day by the calling of the muezzin from the mosque. The most dependable clock is the rhythm of ritual, denoted by sounds and visual signs (the faithful walking to the mosque carrying their prayer mats) that mark time as intelligibly for the Muslim as the chiming of Big Ben does for the Londoner.

Rihla 記錄了對基本時空關係的其他微妙顛覆。在前往法國的旅途中，aş-Şaffär 從一個以 fitual 來測量時間的世界，過渡到一個大部分以機械時鐘的滴答聲來測量時間的世界。在摩洛哥，甚至在所有伊斯蘭教的土地上，一天的時間都以祈禱時間來標記。晨禱後起床，午禱後用餐，晚禱後結束一天的生活。在傳統的回教男性世界中，會議的安排、業務的安排、合約的簽訂，都是依據固定的禱告時間點；事實上，清真寺的穆斯津（muezzin）會不斷提醒人們一天的時間。最可靠的時鐘是儀式的節奏，以聲音和視覺符號（信徒攜著禱墊走到清真寺）來標記時間，對穆斯林來說，就像大本鐘的鐘聲對倫敦人來說一樣易懂。

Far from home in a non-Muslim land, aş-Şaffär found himself suddenly deprived of these culturally determined time markers. The meeting with King Louis-Phillipe, he tells us, will take place at "ten in the morning"; the reception at the palace is on New Year's Day, "the first day" of the Christian year. France was the land of the clock and the Christian calendar, of time measured in odd intervals. In Morocco there were clocks too, but usually they were for decoration. 147 European travelers saw them in the homes of the well-to- do, but the hands were rarely correct-not because Moroccans were ignorant of clock time (for they were not), but because they were not especially sensible to it.148 What mattered most to aş-Şaffar was not the precise hour of the day, but rather religiously consecrated time as embodied in the predictability of prayer.

Aş-Şaffär 遠離家鄉到了一個非穆斯林的國度，他發現自己突然失去了這些由文化決定的時間標記。他告訴我們，與路易-菲利浦國王的會晤將在 「早上十點 」舉行；在宮廷的招待會是在元旦，基督教年的 「第一天」。法國是鐘表和基督教曆法的發源地，也是以奇數時間間隔計算時間的發源地。摩洛哥也有鐘，但通常是裝飾用的。147 歐洲旅行者在富裕人家中見過這些鍾，但指針很少是正確的--不是因為摩洛哥人不懂鐘錶時間（因為他們並不懂），而是因為他們對鐘錶時間並不特別敏感。148 對ş-Şaffar來說，最重要的不是一天中的精確時刻，而是宗教上被奉為神聖的時間，它體現在祈禱的可預測性中。

Another basic defining category of daily life, and an arena in which we again see as-Saffar's confrontation with the new, is the boundary between private and public space, Space, says Michael Gilsenan, "is not a kind of pure, given form but is a set of structures and relations that have to be learned... and constantly acquired in daily life."149 Human needs and activities differ from one culture to another, and space is the stage on which those varying functions are acted out. For the stranger, learning the complex codes that define space and its changing social functions can be among the most dif- ficult trials of the journey. The traveler must be initiated into them by instruction or by example, and failure to learn them can lead to painful embarrassment. Most travelers abroad have acquired at least one story of cultural misunderstanding based on a misinterpreta- tion of signs that set boundaries.

日常生活的另一個基本定義範疇，也是我們再次看到as-Saffar與新事物對抗的場所，就是私人空間與公共空間的界線。Michael Gilsenan說：「空間並非一種純粹、既定的形式，而是一套必須學習......並在日常生活中不斷獲得的結構與關係。對於陌生人來說，學習定義空間及其不斷變化的社會功能的複雜碼，可能是旅途中最困難的考驗之一。旅行者必須通過指導或示範來開始學習它們，而學習失敗則可能導致痛苦的尷尬。大多數在國外旅行的人至少都有過一個因誤解標誌而造成文化誤解的故事。

While in France, aş-Şaffar met with difficulties in his understand- ing of socio-spatial relations. For example, he describes the typical French house as "quite different from ours: they do not have a courtyard, a ground floor, and upper stories such as we have; rather, their courtyard is outside the house, where the carts and draft animals stand." He goes on to say that "the rooms . have very large windows which look out onto the street." 150 The contrast- with the traditional Moroccan house was striking: at home there were no windows looking onto the street, no point at which the outside could look in. The interior of the house is the ultimate pri- vate domain; the courtyard is an arena of family life, not a place where animals stand. In other words, a space that is the nexus for intense social interaction within the Moroccan household is missing in France. 15

在法國時，aş-Şaffar 在理解社會空間關係方面遇到了困難。例如，他描述典型的法國房子「與我們的很不相同：他們沒有像我們這樣的庭院、底層和上層；相反，他們的庭院在房子外面，那裏停放著車和役畜」。他繼續說：「房間有很大的窗戶，可以看到外面的街道。150 與傳統的摩洛哥房屋形成強烈對比：在家中，沒有任何窗戶可以望向街道，也沒有任何地方可以讓外面的人看進來。房屋內部是最終的專屬領域；庭院是家庭生活的場所，而不是動物站立的地方。換句話說，摩洛哥家庭內部激烈社交互動的中心空間，在法國卻是缺失的。15

In Morocco, the courtyard is also the space where the stranger may stand without violating the privacy of the interior, or compro- mising the women within who may not wish to be seen. To enter directly into the interior of a house without benefit of the mediating stage provided by the courtyard was a peculiar experience for as- Şaffar. Moreover, once having entered the house, he found the in- side virtually open to the outside because of the large windows. Light floods the interior, exposing its contents to view. The openness and display of the family and its treasures to the casual viewer are a new phenomenon, quite unlike the wall-like protectiveness surrounding family life at home. Clearly, concepts of public versus private in domestic arrangements would have to be revised in the context of France.

在摩洛哥，庭院也是陌生人可以站立的空間，不會侵犯室內隱私，也不會騷擾室內可能不願被看到的婦女。直接進入房屋內部，而不受惠於庭院所提供的中介舞台，對as- Şaffar來說是一種奇特的經驗。此外，一旦進入屋內，他發現由於窗戶很大，屋內幾乎是對外開放的。光線灑滿室內，讓屋內的物品盡收眼底。家庭及其珍寶向觀眾開放和展示是一種新現象，與家中家庭生活周圍牆壁般的保護性截然不同。顯然，在法國的環境中，家庭安排中公眾與私人的概念必須修正。

Aş-Şaffar's perception of spatial boundaries is disrupted even fur- ther as he begins to explore the nuances of social praxis. The bath- house, for example, is a subject of wonderment, and he describes it at length: "There is... [a] structure made of wood, which is their public bathhouse. Inside it are small rooms that are enclosed, each with a large tub that may be filled with hot or cold water, or both.

It is their hammām; they do not have a hammam like ours."152 

Other aspects emphasize the seclusion of the act of bathing; there is a small glass window with a filmy curtain that lets in light but keeps out prying eyes. One can even take a bath in one's own room, by ordering a servant to bring water. In other words, among the French, the bath is a private affair, included in that brief list of ical activities that, for reasons of shame modesty, ог in total isolation. one conducts in total isolation.

當 Aş-Şaffar 開始探索社會實踐的細微差異時，他對空間界限的感知甚至被進一步打亂。例如，澡堂是一個令人驚嘆的主題，他詳細地描述了它： 「有... [木造的建築物，那是他們的公共澡堂。裡面有一些圍起來的小房間，每個房間都有一個大浴缸，可以注入冷水或熱水。152 

其他方面則強調沐浴行為的隱密性；有一扇小玻璃窗，上面有一層薄膜帷幕，可以透光，但不能讓人窺視。人們甚至可以在自己的房間中沐浴，只需命令僕人送水即可。換句話說，在法國人的生活中，沐浴是一件私事，是基於羞恥、謙遜的理由，在完全隔離的情況下進行的活動。

The hammam or public bathhouse in Morocco was an entirely different matter. Bathing was done in a large, open room, not in private cubicles; it often took hours and was a prime social event of the day. 153 Gossip was exchanged in the bathhouse, business dis- cussed, plans made. The ritual of the bath was an engaging social experience for both men and women, even while it was sexually segregated, like most social events. The nonenclosure of the bathing ace, the free circulation and meeting of individuals while un- clothed, was considered right and proper; bathing, in other words, was very much part of the public domain. Fascinated by the technology of the bath, aş-Şaffar remained unconvinced of the need for uncompromising isolation in the act of bathing. Indeed, he hints that the technology may even be misplaced, for in the situation where such an installation would be most useful-in performing the ritual ablutions-it was unavailable.

摩洛哥的土耳其浴室或公共澡堂則完全不同。沐浴是在一個開放的大房間中進行，而不是在私人隔間中；沐浴通常需要數小時，而且是一天中最重要的社交活動。153 在澡堂裡，人們交換著八卦，討論著生意，制定著計劃。洗浴儀式對男女來說都是一種引人入勝的社交體驗，即使它和大多數社交活動一樣是性別分隔的。沐浴場所的非密封性、個人不穿衣服時的自由流動和會面，被認為是天經地義的；換句話說，沐浴在很大程度上是公共領域的一部分。aş-Şaffar 對沐浴的技術非常著迷，但他仍然不相信在沐浴過程中需要堅定不移的隔離。事實上，他暗示這種技術甚至可能是錯置的，因為在這種裝置最有用的情況下--進行洗浴儀式--它是不可用的。

The disorientation about spatial boundaries became more serious when it spilled over into relations between men and women, where the codes differed radically from those at home. Aş-Şaffär learned these lessons quickly, and he is eager to share his knowledge with us. Playing the role of practiced guide, he advises us about how to treat women properly if we find ourselves in France: "If you enter a man's house and a woman is present," he tells us, "you are not con- sidered gracious or well-mannered unless you approach her with greetings and friendly speeches in a tone of modest gentility. Her husband will delight in that and his esteem and love for you will increase."154

當這種空間界限的迷失蔓延到男女關係時，就變得更加嚴重，因為男女關係的規範與家中的規範完全不同。Aş-Şaffär 很快就汲取了這些教訓，他渴望與我們分享他的知識。他扮演著一位經驗豐富的指導者，告訴我們如果身在法國，該如何正確對待女性： 他告訴我們：「如果您進入一位男士的家中，而當時有一位女士在場，」他說："除非您以謙恭的語氣向她問候，並友善地對她說話，否則您不會被視為親切或有禮貌。她的丈夫會為此感到高興，他對您的尊敬和愛戴也會與日俱增 "154。

This is indeed a world that is topsy-turvy. Coming from a cul- ture where a meeting with strange females was a rare and stylized event, aş-Şaffar found the multiple possibilities for interaction with French women a subject of fascination and delight. In Morocco, in the street, women were veiled and made invisible; at home, they were kept behind closed doors which no incidental visitor could enetrate. In France, no such physical boundaries prevailed. In the salon, women mixed freely with strange men, wearing garments, it seemed to him, that left them half-naked, with their hair, upper arms, and bosoms exposed; in the street, their faces were uncov- ered, their eyes roamed freely.

這確實是一個顛倒的世界。在阿什-沙法爾的文化背景中，與陌生女性見面是一件非常罕見且風格化的事情，他發現與法國女性互動的多種可能性讓人著迷和欣喜。在摩洛哥的大街上，女性被蒙上面紗，悄無聲息；在家中，她們被關在緊閉的大門後，任何偶然造訪的訪客都無法進入。在法國，沒有這樣的物理界限。在沙龍裡，婦女們自由地與陌生男子混在一起，在他看來，她們穿著半裸的衣服，頭髮、上臂和胸部都暴露在外；在街上，她們的臉沒有遮掩，目光自由地遊走。

The effect on him of the proximity of women was intoxicating. When describing their deportment and dress, he suddenly breaks into poetry. He also uses the device of saj, or rhymed prose, to ornament the text and express his rising emotions. Beneath the flowery rhetoric, we feel a deep longing for the sensual experience. Many of the images, to be sure, are stereotyped, but others hint at a suppressed eroticism that seems eminently human. Yet, as in all things, aş-Şaffar exhibits restraint, and unlike at-Tahțāwī, who had a rather low opinion of French women, the Moroccan finds them on the whole to be "virtuous." Aş-Şaffar, of course, did not under- stand French. But he seems to have grasped that the physical and spatial barriers placed between men and women in his own society had their counterpart in France in the elaborate verbal rituals, or politesse, that surrounded the male-female encounter. He concen- trates, therefore, on initiating others into the correct performance of greeting and leavetaking, so that in this vital area of social rela- tions one will make no mistakes.

接近女性對他的影響是令人陶醉的。在描述她們的舉止和衣著時，他突然迸發出詩意。他還運用了詩歌或押韻散文的手法來裝飾全文，並表達他不斷升華的情感。在華麗的修辭下，我們感受到對感官體驗的深切渴望。可以肯定的是，很多圖像都是刻板的，但也有一些圖像暗示了一種被壓抑的情慾，看起來非常人性化。然而，在所有事情上，Aş-Şaffar 都表現得很克制，不像 at-Tahțāwī（他對法國女性的評價相當低），摩洛哥人覺得她們整體上都很 「賢惠」。當然，Aş-Şaffar 並不了解法語。但他似乎明白，在他自己的社會中，男女之間的身體和空間障礙，在法國有其對應的對應方式，那就是圍繞著男女相遇的精心設計的語言儀式，或稱 politesse。因此，他專注於引導他人正確地打招呼和道別，以便在這個重要的社會關係領域中不會犯錯。

The strange, the new, and the marvelous permeate the voyage and greet the traveler at every turn. But even the strange has its own internal logic. France for aş-Şaffar is the land of nizam, of order. Everywhere he looks he sees evidence of putting things in their proper place. The trees grow in straight rows, fields are plowed in perfect furrows, streets are tidy, libraries are neatly arranged, the soldiers march in even ranks, horses obey their masters, even the ladies part their hair with precision. France is the home of the straight line and the perfect landscape, of nature tamed and man made obedient. He laments the contrast with home:

陌生、新鮮、奇妙的事物滲透在旅途中，隨時迎接著旅行者。但即使是陌生的事物也有其內在的邏輯。對 aş-Şaffar 來說，法國是秩序的國度。他所到之處都能看到物盡其位的跡象。樹木成行成列，田地犁出完美的犁溝，街道整潔，圖書館排列整齊，士兵們行軍整齊，馬匹聽從主人的命令，甚至連女士們的髮型也是精確無誤。法國是直線和完美風景的故鄉，是大自然被馴服、人類被順從的故鄉。他感嘆與家鄉的對比：

In comparison with the weakness of Islam, the dissipation of its strength, and the disrupted condition of its people, how confident they are, how impressive how competent they are in matters of state. how capable in war... not because of their bravery, or religious zeal, but because of their marvelous organization, their uncanny mastery over affairs, and their strict adherence to the law. 155

相對於伊斯蘭教的虛弱、力量的消散、人民的破壞，他們是多麼的自信，在國家事務上是多麼的能幹，令人印象深刻，在戰爭中是多麼的能幹......不是因為他們的勇敢或宗教的熱忱，而是因為他們奇妙的組織、對事務超乎常人的掌握，以及對法律的嚴格遵守。155

Even while aş-Şaffär admits to a French "mastery" in the appear- ance of reality, he also grasps that the surface order is emblematic of a far deeper plan, a plan in which all of society is harnessed in the service of production. Herein lies the mystery of that pervasive yet indefinable power that non-Europeans sensed in the European order of things. The disciplined children and straight rows of trees are superficial representations of a social organization that he suspects may be inimical to his own. It appears to him as rational, relent- lessly efficient, and organized around economic rather than reli- gious imperatives. Needless to say, it also seems so all-encompass- ing and powerful that the mere thought of competing with it induces in him a sense of despair. 156

儘管 Aş-Şaffär 承認法國人在現實表象中的「掌握」，但他也明白表面的秩序代表著更深層的計劃，在這個計劃中，整個社會都被利用來為生產服務。這就是非歐洲人在歐洲秩序中感受到的那種無處不在卻又無法說清的力量的奧秘所在。有紀律的孩子和一排排筆直的樹木是一種社會組織的表面表徵，他懷疑這種社會組織可能與他自己的社會組織相悖。在他看來，這種社會組織是理性的、效率不高的，而且是圍繞經濟而非宗教的需要而組織的。毋庸置疑，這個組織看起來是如此的包羅萬象和強大，以至於只要一想到要與之競爭，他就會感到絕望。156

In Europe, aş-Şaffar had a vision of another world. He saw what the human spirit could achieve when left to its own inventiveness. But it was a world beyond reach. True, there are innovations in France that he regards as useful, and in matters of technology and everyday life, he freely admits, they are superior. But in matters of religion they are still infidels. "They know well what is apparent to the life of this world," he says, "but are completely ignorant about the hereafter." 157 Their science may be admirable, their manners perfect, their houses clean. Yet they have this one insurmountable moral flaw: with regard to their belief in God they are corrupt. This is no mere prudent declaration of loyalty; rather, it is a statement of profound conviction. Nor was aş-Şaffar alone in proclaiming his faith in Islam at the end of his voyage, for other Moroccan travelers to the West did the same: "Everything in their way of thinking im- pelled them to deny reality, or at least not to acknowledge it. This is your world, and ours is different, they seem to say." Which leads us to our final point. The voyage of aş-Şaffär, and indeed other Arabic travel accounts of this era, can be read in several ways. First, they are useful sources of information for reconstructing a particular conception of reality, serving as repositories of facts to contextualize scenes distant in time and place. Secondlas we have seen, this kind of writing gives us glimpses into the human experi- ence of the voyage, offering access to moments of contact between the voyager and the outside world which illuminate the interior sen- sations of the journey. There is yet a third dimension which travel writing can assume, which becomes especially meaningful as we struggle to understand the workings of cultures other than our own. As involved companions along the road, we are not only engrossed in what the traveler saw in Europe, but also how he saw it, and how it resonated in his consciousness and reminded him of home. France and Paris are the mirrors in which we read as-Saffar's vision of more distant locales; the green fields, crowded streets, bals, and soirées are the tableau on which another image is etched, of a place less familiar to us but even more engaging. That place is the Morocco of aş- Şaffar's imagination.

在歐洲，阿斯-沙法爾看到了另一個世界。他看到了人類精神在發揮自己的創造力時所能取得的成就。但那是一個無法企及的世界。誠然，法國有一些他認為有用的創新，而且在科技和日常生活方面，他坦然承認，法國是優越的。但在宗教方面，他們仍然是異教徒。「他說：「他們很清楚今世生活的表象，但對來世卻完全無知」。157 他們的科學可能令人敬佩，他們的舉止完美，他們的房子乾淨。然而，他們有一個無法克服的道德缺點：在信仰上帝方面，他們是腐敗的。這並不只是謹慎的忠誠聲明，而是深刻的信念。也不只是阿斯-沙法爾在航行結束時宣示他對伊斯蘭教的信仰，其他前往西方的摩洛哥旅行者也是如此：「他們思維方式中的一切都迫使他們否認現實，或至少不承認現實。這是你們的世界，而我們的世界是不同的，他們似乎這樣說"。這就引出了我們最後的觀點。aş-Şaffär的航行，以及這個時代的其他阿拉伯旅行記載，可以從幾個方面來解讀。首先，它們是重建特定現實概念的有用資訊來源，可作為事實的儲存庫，將遙遠時空的場景背景化。其次，正如我們所看到的，這類書寫讓我們瞥見航行中的人類經驗，提供了航行者與外部世界接觸的時刻，照亮了旅程的內心感受。旅行寫作還可以有第三個維度，當我們努力了解非我們自己文化的運作時，這一維度變得特別有意義。作為旅途中的夥伴，我們不僅沉浸於旅行者在歐洲看到了什麼，而且也沉浸於他是如何看到這些的，以及這些是如何在他的意識中產生共鳴並讓他想起家鄉的。法國和巴黎是一面鏡子，我們從中讀出 As-Saffar 對更遙遠的地方的想像；綠油油的田野、擁擠的街道、酒吧和晚會是另一幅畫面，上面刻著一個我們不太熟悉但卻更吸引人的地方。這個地方就是 aş- Şaffar 所想像的摩洛哥。

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Finally, and on yet another plane, these accounts transcend the fact of traveling and begin to take on moral intonations, reinforced by the universality of the act of displacement. Here the journey be- comes a metaphor, the voyager a mythmaker, and the story a fable. It is not only the paradigm of its structure the departure, the ad- venture, the return-that makes the travel account universal, but also the meanings construed from the voyage by the voyager him- self. In aş-Şaffar's case, the parable is quite explicit: he tells us that one can go to the land of enchantment, the abode of both good and evil, immerse oneself in it, and return home wiser yet unscathed.

最後，在另一個層面上，這些描述超越了旅行的事實，開始具有道德的語調，並因為流離失所的普遍性而得到強化。在此，旅程成為隱喻，航海者成為神話創造者，故事成為寓言。使旅行記載具有普遍性的不僅僅是其結構的范式--出發、冒險、回程，還有旅行者自己從旅行中詮釋出的意義。在 aş-Şaffar 的作品中，這個寓言是非常明確的：他告訴我們，一個人可以去到魔幻之地、善與惡的居所，沉浸其中，然後更加聰明而毫發無傷地回家。

This is the lesson of the voyage; but whether his tale convinced those who read it in his own time, we cannot tell. The rihla was undoubtedly circulated and discussed within the narrow confines of the court, then consigned to the Royal Library, where it languished in obscurity for over one hundred years. Never did aş-Şaffar think, one would imagine, that his manuscript would sleep for so long and than reawaken to bring enlightenment and pleasure to readers of another age.

這就是這次航行的教訓；但他的故事是否能說服那些在他那個時代讀到的人，我們無從得知。毫無疑問，這本書在狹窄的宮廷範圍內被傳閱和討論，然後被送往皇家圖書館，在那裡默默沉睡了一百多年。我們可以想像，Aş-Şaffar 從未想過他的手稿會沉睡如此長的時間，然後再重新甦醒，為另一個時代的讀者帶來啟迪和樂趣。

註解

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. It will be evident the extent to which Fussell's critical work has influenced my own reading of aş-Şaffär.

117. Ibid., p. 214.

118. Nelson H. H. Graburn cites the writings of Durkeim, Mauss, Leach, and Van Gennep as important in shaping concepts of the sacred and the profane in relation to travel. See his "Tourism: The Sacred Journey," in Valene Smith, ed., Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 1989), pp. 24. 26. Also V. Turner and E. Turner. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (New York, 1978), ch. 1.

119. Graburn, "Tourism," pp. 24-25.

120. Fussell, Abroad, p. 208.

121. Graburn, "Tourism," p. 26.

122. Sce p. 78.

123. Graburn, "Tourism," p. 27.

124. See p. 221.

125. Fussell, Abroad, p. 209.

126. Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, Analecta Orientalia 24 (Rome, 1947), p. 57. Such was the fate of as-Saffar's manuscript, suggesting it may have been labeled "secret" by the Sultan. Laroui, Origines, p. 215.

127. On Arabic rihlāt see M. Hadj-Sadok, "Le genre 'Rihla,'" Bulletin des études arabes 8, 40 (1948): 195-206; GAL S 3, index, s.v. rihla. Also El 2, s. vv. "Djughrafiya," "Hadjdj." On travel to the West, see B. Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York, 1982); 1. Abu-Lughod, The Arab Rediscovery of Europe: A Study in Cultural Encounters (Princeton, 1963); and Henri Pérès, L'Espagne vue par les voyageurs musulmans de 1610 à 1930 (Paris, 1937), a useful, if dated, overview. On Muslim travel, see the Dictionary of the Middle Ages, vol. 12, 5. v. "Travel and Transport, Islamic," by Richard Bulliet, and the magisterial work by André Miguel, La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu'au milieu du 11º siècle, 4 vols. (Paris, 1967-88), vol. 1, ch. 4 and vol. 2, ch. 7. Also see note 25 above.

For Moroccan travel accounts, see 'Abd as-Salam Ibn Süda, Dalil mu'arrikh al-Maghrib al-aqşā, 2 vols. (Casablanca, 1960-65), 2:333-70. He mentions about 240 works, mostly unpublished accounts of pilgrimages to Mecca. Other sources are M. al-Fasi, "Ar-rihla as-safariya al-maghribiya," Al-Bayyina 1, 6 (October 1962): 11-24; "Ar-rahhäla al-maghariba wa- āthāruhum," Da'wat al-haqq, 2, 4 (January 1959): 22-25, by the same author; the introduction to Al-iksir fi fikāk al-asir, by M. b. 'Uthman al-Miknāsi, ed. M. al-Fasi (Rabat, 1965), and Lakhdar, La vie littéraire, passim. Also M. al-Manūnī, Al-maşādir al-arabiya li-tārīkh al-Maghrib, part 1 (Casablanca, 1983) and part 2 (Mohamedia, 1989); see the indices s.v. rihla. Published Moroccan rihlat are indicated in my bibliography by an asterisk (*).

128. See p. 76.

129. Graburn, "Tourism," p. 28.

130. References to the Muqaddima are from F. Rosenthal, The Muqaddi- mah: An Introduction to History, 3 vols. (Princeton, 1967). Vol. 1 contains a biography. Ibn Khaldūn's theory of the state is summarized in E. I. J. Ro- senthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cambridge, 1968), ch. 4; see Ali Oumlil, L'histoire et son discourse (Rabat, 1982), for a Moroccan perspective.

131. See p. 181.

132. Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi (1801-73) was born in Tahța in Upper Egypt, and studied at al-Azhar. In 1826 he was sent to Paris by the Khedive Muhammad Ali to serve as imam (prayer-leader) to a group of Egyptian students. He stayed in Paris for five years, learned fluent French, and summarized his impressions of France in his Takhliş al-ibriz fi talkhiş Bariz, printed at Bulaq shortly after his return. The book enjoyed great popu- larity and was translated into Turkish; it was also known to Moroccan literati. A recent French translation is by Anouar Louca, L'or de Paris: Re- lation de voyage, 1826-1831 (Paris, 1988). On at-Tahţāwī see A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London, 1967), pp. 69-83; J. Heyworth-Dunne, "Rifa'ah Badawi Rafi at-Tahţăwi: The Egyptian Revivalist," BSOAS 9 (1937-39): 961-67, 10 (1940-42): 399-415; A. Ba- dawi, Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi, 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1959); Abu-Lughod, Arab Rediscovery; and Anouar Louca, Voyageurs et écrivains égyptiens en France au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1970), ch. 2. Aş-Şaffar's mention of at-Tahțăwi (as "Rifa'a Effendi") comes at the beginning of ch. 3 of the present work.

133. On the Egyptian reform movement, see A. L. as-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 54-66.

134. "The transmission of things one has observed with one's own eyes is something more comprehensive and complete than the transmission of information and things one has learned about. A habit that is the result of [personal observation] is more perfect and firmly rooted." Muqaddimah 2:346. See also Eickelman, "Art of Memory," p. 501 note 20, and A. Mi- quel, Géographie humaine 1:135 and passim, for references showing the im- portance of "lived truth" for the medieval traveler.

135. See p. 77. 136. See, for example, al-Ghassani's Iftikāk, in which descriptions of the observed world are minimalist as compared with aş-Şaffär. For relevant discussion of the growth of realism in English letters in the eighteenth- century novel, see lan Watt, The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richard- son and Fielding (Berkeley, 1957), ch. 1.

137. The quote is from Guizot's instructions to Pourcet and Urbain, AAE/CPM 15/23 November 1845. The idea is stated even more clearly by Louis-Philippe in his letter to Mulay Abd ar-Rahman summing up the visit: "My ministers were ordered to show [the ambassador] whatever we had in the way of wonders ('ajā'ib) in art and industry." DAR 17575, 13 February 1846.

138. The French Orientalist Silvestre de Sacy observed that at-Tahțāwī judged all the French "d'après les habitants de Paris." Louca, L'or, p. 218.

139. In 1842 Eugene Sue's Les mystères de Paris was serialized in the Jour- nal des débats, introducing the reading public to the "frightening underworld of poverty and violence in Paris." David Pinkney, Decisive Years in France, 1840-47 (Princeton, 1986), p. 97.

140. I. de Sola Pool, "Effects of Cross-national Contact on National and International Images," in H. Kelman, ed., International Behavior, A Social-psychological Analysis (New York, 1965), p. 122.

141. Miquel's observation (Géographie humaine 1:115), based on his reading of the chapter "The Quest for Power" in Lévi-Strauss's Tristes Tro- piques, trans. J. Russell (New York, 1970), pp. 38-46.

142. Géographie humaine 1:115, 120.

143. Quoted in the preface to Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley, 1986), p. xv.

144. See Laroui, Origines, pp. 54-55, for the speed of travel in Morocco. Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53, is the source for data on France. The follow- ing discussion of the early railroad and its psychological effects on riders was inspired by Schivelbusch, Railway Journey, ch. 4.

145. Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53.

146. See p. 115.

147. Except, of course, the clocks in the palaces of the Sultan, and those in the important mosques, which were kept on time to determine the cor- rect hour of prayer. Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:138-39.

148. Describing a comfortable house in Rabat, J. H. D. Hay remarked: "[It] was furnished in good Moorish style, with carpets of all kinds, looking-glasses and clocks, which latter indulge generally in the hour they please." Journal, p. 43.

149. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam: Religion and Society in the Modern Arab World (New York, 1982), p. 187.

150. See p. 135.

151. Ernst Rackow, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der materiellen Kultur Nordwest- Marokkos: Wohnraum, Hausrat, Kostüm (Wiesbaden, 1958), p. 5 and Tafel 4. a plan of a typical Tetuan house.

152. See p. 129.

153. Rackow, Beiträge, p. 7.

154. See p. 161.

155. See pp. 193-194-

156. See Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988), ch. 1, on the impact of European ideas of order on nineteenth-century Egypt.

157. See p. 220.

158. Laroui, Origines, p. 228. The "disclaimer" was also a feature of medieval Christian pilgrimage accounts, where curiosity about the strange "put the pilgrimage in bad repute"; the "ideal" Christian pilgrim traveled "with his eyes to the ground," according to D. R. Howard, Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, 1980), pp. 23-24.

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad： Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. Fussell 的批判性著作在多大程度上影響了我自己對 aş-Şaffär 的解讀，這一點將是顯而易見的。

117. 同上，第 214 頁。

118. Nelson H. H. Graburn 引述 Durkeim、Mauss、Leach 與 Van Gennep 的著作，認為這些著作對於塑造與旅遊有關的神聖與褻瀆概念非常重要。請參閱他的「旅遊： 請參閱他的 「Tourism: The Sacred Journey,」 in Valene Smith, ed., Hosts and Guests： (Philadelphia, 1989), pp. 26. 另外 V. Turner 和 E. Turner。基督教文化中的形象與朝聖： 人類學的觀點》（紐約，1978 年），第 1 章。

119. Graburn, 「Tourism,」 pp.

120. Fussell, Abroad, p. 208。

121. Graburn, 「Tourism,」 p. 26.

122. Sce 第 78 頁。

123. Graburn, 「Tourism,」 p. 27.

124. 見第 221 頁。

125. Fussell, Abroad, p. 209。

126. Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, Analecta Orientalia 24 (Rome, 1947), p. 57。這就是 as-Saffar 手稿的命運，顯示它可能被蘇丹標示為 「秘密」。Laroui, Origines, p. 215。

127. 關於阿拉伯文的 rihlāt 請參閱 M. Hadj-Sadok, 「Le genre 『Rihla』,」 Bulletin des études arabes 8, 40 (1948)： 195-206; GAL S 3, index, s.v. rihla. 另外 El 2, s. vv. 「Djughrafiya,」 「Hadjdj.」 。關於前往西方的旅行，請參閱 B. Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York, 1982)；1. Abu-Lughod, The Arab Rediscovery of Europe： A Study in Cultural Encounters (Princeton, 1963); and Henri Pérès, L'Espagne vue par les voyageurs musulmans de 1610 à 1930 (Paris, 1937), a useful, if dated, overview. 關於穆斯林旅行，請參閱 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, vol. 12, 5. v. 「Travel and Transport, Islamic,」 by Richard Bulliet, and the magisterial work by André Miguel, La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu'au milieu du 11º siècle, 4 vols. (Paris, 1967-88), vol. 1, ch. 4 and vol. 2, ch. 7. Also see note 25 above.

有關摩洛哥的旅行記載，請參閱 'Abd as-Salam Ibn Süda, Dalil mu'arrikh al-Maghrib al-aqşā, 2 vols. (Casablanca, 1960-65), 2:333-70. 他提到約 240 部作品，大多是未出版的麥加朝聖記載。其他資料來源有 M. al-Fasi，「Ar-rihla as-safariya al-maghribiya」，Al-Bayyina 1，6 (October 1962)： 11-24; 「Ar-rahhäla al-maghariba wa- āthāruhum,」 Da'wat al-haqq, 2, 4 (January 1959)： 22-25, by the same author; the introduction to Al-iksir fi fikāk al-asir, by M. b. 'Uthman al-Miknāsi, ed.. M. al-Fasi (Rabat, 1965), and Lakhdar, La vie littéraire, passim. 另外 M. al-Manūnī, Al-maşādir al-arabiya li-tārīkh al-Maghrib, part 1 (Casablanca, 1983) and part 2 (Mohamedia, 1989); see the indices s.v. rihla. 已出版的摩洛哥 rihlat 在我的參考書目中以星號 (*) 標示。

128. 見第 76 頁。

129. Graburn，「旅遊」，第 28 頁。

130. 有關 Muqaddima 的參考資料來自 F. Rosenthal, The Muqaddi- mah： 普林斯頓，1967 年）。第 1 卷包含傳記。E. I. J. Ro- senthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cambridge, 1968), ch. 4概括了Ibn Khaldūn的國家理論；摩洛哥的觀點請參閱Ali Oumlil, L'histoire et son discourse (Rabat, 1982)。

131. 見第 181 頁。

132. Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi（1801-73 年）出生於上埃及的 Tahța，曾在 al-Azhar 學習。1826 年，他被穆罕默德-阿里 (Muhammad Ali) 酋長 (Khedive Muhammad Ali) 派往巴黎，擔任一群埃及學生的伊瑪目 (祈禱領袖)。他在巴黎逗留了五年，學會了流利的法語，並將他對法國的印象總結在《Takhliş al-ibriz fi talkhiş Bariz》一書中。這本書深受歡迎，並被翻譯成土耳其語；摩洛哥文人也知道這本書。最近的法文譯本是 Anouar Louca 所著的《L'or de Paris》： Re- lation de voyage, 1826-1831 (Paris, 1988)。關於 at-Tahţāwī，請參閱 A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London, 1967)，第 69-83 頁；J. Heyworth-Dunne，"Rifa'ah Badawi Rafi at-Tahţăwi： The Egyptian Revivalist," BSOAS 9 (1937-39)： 961-67, 10 (1940-42): 399-415; A. Ba- dawi, Rifa'a Rafi at-Tahtawi, 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1959); Abu-Lughod, Arab Rediscovery; and Anouar Louca, Voyageurs et écrivains égyptiens en France au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1970), ch. 2. Aş-Şaffar 提到 at-Tahțăwi（「Rifa'a Effendi」）是在本著作第 3 章的开头。

133. 關於埃及的改革運動，請參閱 A. L. as-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt (Cambridge, 1985), pp.

134. 「親眼觀察到的事物的傳承，是比資訊和所學到的事物的傳承更全面、更完整的東西。由[親眼觀察]所養成的習慣更為完善，根基更為牢固。」 Muqaddimah 2:346。另請參閱 Eickelman, 「Art of Memory,」 p. 501 note 20, 以及 A. Mi- quel, Géographie humaine 1:135 and passim, 以瞭解「生活的真相」對中古旅行者的重要性。

135. 見第 77 頁。136. 例如，請參閱 al-Ghassani 的 Iftikāk，其中對於所觀察世界的描述與 aş-Şaffär 相比是極簡的。有關十八世紀英國小說中寫實主義的發展，請參閱 lan Watt, The Rise of the Novel： 研究笛福，理查德兒子和菲爾丁（伯克利，1957 年），第 1 章。

137. 引自 Guizot 給 Pourcet 和 Urbain 的指示，AAE/CPM 15/23 November 1845。路易-菲利普在他寫給 Mulay Abd ar-Rahman 的信中更清楚地說明了這一想法，他在信中總結了這次訪問： 「我的大臣們奉命向[大使]展示我們在藝術和工業方面的任何奇觀('ajā'ib)"。DAR 17575，1846 年 2 月 13 日。

138. 法國東方學家 Silvestre de Sacy 指出，at-Tahțāwī 對所有法國人的評價都是「'adprès les habitants de Paris」。Louca, L'or, p. 218。

139. 1842 年，Eugene Sue 的《Les mystères de Paris》在《Jour-nal des débats》上連載，向讀者介紹了 「巴黎貧窮和暴力的可怕地下世界」。David Pinkney, Decisive Years in France, 1840-47 (Princeton, 1986), p. 97。

140. I. de Sola Pool, 「Effects of Cross-national Contact on National and International Images,」 in H. Kelman, ed., International Behavior, A Social-psychological Analysis (New York, 1965), p. 122.

141. Miquel 的觀點 (Géographie humaine 1:115)，基於他對 Lévi-Strauss's Tristes Tro- piques, trans. J. Russell (New York, 1970), pp.

142. Géographie humaine 1:115, 120。

143. 引自 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey 的序言： 轉引自 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley, 1986) 的序言，第 xv 頁。

144. 有關摩洛哥的旅行速度，請參閱 Laroui, Origines, 頁 54-55。Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53 是法國資料的來源。以下有關早期鐵路及其對乘客心理影響的討論，靈感來自 Schivelbusch, Railway Journey, 第 4 章。

145. Pinkney, Decisive Years, p. 53。

146. 見第 115 頁。

147. 147. 當然，除了蘇丹宮殿中的鍾和重要清真寺中的鍾，這些鍾都準時以確定正確的禱告時間。Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:138-39.

148. J. H. D. Hay 在描述拉巴特一間舒適的房子時說： 「[它] 裝修得很有摩爾風格，有各式地毯、鏡子和時鐘，後者一般會沉溺在他們喜歡的時刻」。日誌》，第 43 頁。

149. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam： 149. Michael Gilsenan, Recognizing Islam: Religion and Society in the Modern Arab World (New York, 1982), p. 187.

150. 見第 135 頁。

151. Ernst Rackow, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der materiellen Kultur Nordwest- Marokkos： Wohnraum, Hausrat, Kostüm (Wiesbaden, 1958)，第 5 頁和 Tafel 4. 典型德圖安房屋的平面圖。

152. 請參閱第 129 頁。

153. Rackow, Beiträge, p. 7。

154. 見第 161 頁。

155. 見 pp.

156. 見 Timothy Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988), ch. 1, 關於歐洲秩序思想對十九世紀埃及的影響。

157. 見第 220 頁。

158. Laroui, Origines, p. 228。D. R. Howard, Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, 1980), pp.