1-6作者

 1-6The Author

1-6作者

His full name was Abū 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah aş- Şaffär, al-Andalusi by origin, Tetuani by birth. His ancestors came from the town of Jaén in Andalusia, and his father bore the laqab, or agnomen, of Jayyānī. Like many of his contemporaries, his birth date is not known, nor are the circumstances of his early life. How- ever, the house in which he was born is still standing in Tetuan. A plain, two-story structure, its interior boasts none of the elegant flourishes of the houses of the wealthy. Its simplicity tells us that aş-Şaffar's family was a modest one, perhaps rich in culture and dis- tinguished ancestry, but not in worldly goods.

他的全名是 Abū 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah aş- Şaffär，原籍安達盧西亞，出生於泰圖安尼亞。他的祖先來自於安達魯西亞的哈恩 (Jaén)，他的父親有 Jayyānī 的姓氏。和許多同時代的人一樣，他的出生日期不詳，早年的生活狀況也不詳。然而，他出生的房子仍然屹立在Tetuan。這是一棟普通的兩層樓建築，內部沒有富裕人家的優雅華麗。它的簡樸告訴我們，aş-Şaffar 的家庭是一個樸素的家庭，也許擁有豐富的文化和與眾不同的祖先，但並不富裕。

The aş-Şaffar family came to Tetuan with the wave of emigrants that fled the Reconquista at the end of the fifteenth century, joining the colony of Spanish Muslims who rebuilt Tetuan as a base for counterattacks on Spain and on the foreign enclaves at nearby Ceuta and Tangier. Part of the family emigrated to Fes, but the Tetuan branch took root and prospered in the peculiar soil of that northern Moroccan city. Muhammad aş-Şaffar's self-image was bound to his native town, and the poetic feeling he expresses on leaving it is a sign of his deep attachment. 74

十五世紀末，aş-Şaffar 家族隨著逃避復興戰的移民潮來到Tetuan，加入了西班牙穆斯林的殖民地，重建了Tetuan，作為反攻西班牙以及附近休達和丹吉爾的外國飛地的基地。家族的一部分移居費斯，但Tetuan的分支則在摩洛哥北部城市的特殊土壤中生根發芽，繁榮興盛。Muhammad aş-Şaffar的自我形象與他的故鄉緊緊相連，而他在離開故鄉時所表達的詩情畫意，也顯示出他對故鄉深深的依戀。74

Every Moroccan city has its own unique character, and (Tetuan is no exception. Sprawled across a plateau between the mountains and the Mediterranean, it beckons to the hinterland more than to the sea. Over the centuries, the old core of Andalusian nobility was joined by an influx of mountain people from the Rif and the Jabala, tempted by its bustling markets and emerald gardens. Its nearby port of Martil now lies in sultry disuse, but once was aswarm with activity. Though not the busiest port in Morocco, it was neverthe- less an important link in the trade routes to the east and south. A rich merchant class, typified by the tajir's in his spotless white jellaba and burnoose, flourished there. Benefiting from their relative re- moteness from the centers of Makhzan power, the people of Tetuan sought above all else "to increase their wealth by trade, and to enjoy in peace the joys of the arts and letters."76

每座摩洛哥城市都有其獨特的個性，Tetuan也不例外。它橫跨在山脈與地中海之間的高原上，比起海邊，它更向腹地招手。幾世紀以來，安達魯西亞貴族的老闆們從 Rif 和 Jabala 山區湧入，受到熱鬧市場和綠寶石花園的誘惑。鄰近的馬蒂爾港 (Port of Martil) 現在雖已蕭條廢棄，但卻曾熱鬧非常。雖然它不是摩洛哥最繁忙的港口，但卻是通往東方和南方貿易路線的重要樞紐。富裕的商人階級在此繁榮興盛，典型的代表就是身著一塵不染的白色袍子和袍服的塔吉爾 (tajir)。得益於與馬克贊勢力中心的相對距離，Tetuan人首先追求的是「通過貿易增加財富，並在和平中享受藝術和文字的樂趣」76。

The richness of the town was a temptation, and from time to time Tetuan was the scene of violence and disorder. In 1236/1820, tribal partisans of Mulay Ibrahim, a rival claimant to the throne held by Mulay Sulayman, entered the town and "took possession of the wealth of the port and of the storehouses of the Sultan."7" At other times, the Sultan himself intervened in Tetuan's freewheeling mer- cantile life by "eating up" the wealth of merchants whose prosperity had become too apparent. 78 But usually the pattern of local life was serene, with times of troubles an occasional counterpoint to the otherwise steady rhythm of prosperous trade.

城鎮的富裕是一種誘惑，Tetuan不時會發生暴力和動亂。1236/1820 年，Mulay Ibrahim 的部族黨徒（Mulay Ibrahim 是 Mulay Sulayman 擁有的王位的對手聲稱人）進入城鎮，「佔據了港口的財富和蘇丹的倉庫」7。在其他時候，蘇丹親自介入Tetuan的自由商貿生活，「蠶食」那些繁榮已經太過明顯的商人的財富。78 但通常情況下，當地的生活模式是寧靜的，偶爾出現的紛擾與其他穩定的貿易繁榮節奏形成對比。

This trade sometimes took Tetuanis far from home; from the port of Martil they sailed into the Mediterranean and beyond. Some had been to Algeria, and a few even to Europe. In 1212/1797, the merchant 'Abd ar-Rahman Madīna received a notarized document from the umana' of Tetuan, confirming his intention "to travel by sea to the Christian lands, for the purpose of profitable trade, if God wills it," along with an accounting of the money he was taking with him: "4,570 riyals, 36 doubloons, and twenty ducats." Muham- mad aş-Şaffar describes one of his companions on the voyage, the Hajj al-'Arabī al-'Attar, as "skilled in dealings with other peoples and parts." The al-'Attar family were prominent Tetuani businessmen accustomed to following business opportuni- ties abroad. Tetuanis, then, had the business acumen generally as- cribed to the people of Fes; but in addition they had a cosmopolitan air and a skill in dealing with foreigners that was rare in early nine- teenth-century Morocco.

這種貿易有時會把Tetuan人帶到遠方；他們從馬蒂爾港出航到地中海甚至更遠的地方。有些人曾到過阿爾及利亞，有些人甚至到過歐洲。在 1212/1797 年，商人 「Abd ar-Rahman Madīna 收到了一份來自Tetuan的 umana」 的公證文件，確認他打算「從海路前往基督教國家，以進行有利可圖的貿易，如果上帝允許的話」，並附上他所帶錢財的帳目： 「4,570里亞爾、36個銀幣和20個杜卡特」。穆罕默德-阿斯-沙法爾 (Muham- mad aş-Şaffar) 描述他在航行途中的一位同伴哈吉-阿拉比-阿塔爾 (Hajj al-'Arabī al-'Attar) 「擅長與其他民族和地區打交道」。阿塔爾 (al-'Attar) 家族是傑出的德圖瓦尼商人，慣於追隨海外商機。因此，德圖阿尼人具有一般被稱為非斯人的商業頭腦，但除此之外，他們還擁有世界性的氣息以及與外國人打交道的技巧，這在九十世紀初的摩洛哥是非常罕見的。

But contact with foreigners did not necessarily imply acceptance. The nearby enclave of Ceuta was an outpost of Christian encroach- ment that rubbed sorely on Tetuan's side, and the not distant town of Tangier was seen as a source of foreign contamination. ** Proximity to Europe bred in the people of Tetuan complex feelings of familiarity and contempt. A special brand of militancy developed in the town, and many Tetuanis regarded themselves as standardbear- ers in the war against Christian occupation. In 1791 Tetuanis sup- ported Mulay Yazīd's insurgence against his father, Muhammad III,largely because of the latter's indifference to the Spanish presence in Ceuta. Yazid laid siege to the Spanish enclave and, though he failed in his effort, kept the loyalty of Tetuan while the rest of Morocco scorned him. 83

但與外國人接觸不一定意味著被接受。鄰近的休達（Ceuta）是基督教侵佔的前哨，對Tetuan（Tetuan）方面造成嚴重的負面影響，而不遠的丹吉爾（Tangier）則被視為外來污染的來源。** 鄰近歐洲的特圖安人民產生了既熟悉又蔑視的複雜情感。鎮上形成了一種特殊的激進主義，許多Tetuan人將自己視為反對基督教佔領的戰爭中的標準鬥士。1791 年，Tetuanis 支持 Mulay Yazīd 對其父穆罕默德三世 (Muhammad III) 的起義，主要是因為後者對西班牙在休達的存在無動於衷。亞齊德圍攻西班牙人的飛地，雖然失敗了，但他保住了Tetuan人的忠誠，而摩洛哥的其他地方卻對他不屑一顧。83

The attachment to militant Islam received encouragement from another source. From the late eighteenth century on, Tetuan was the focus of intense religious activity centered on the recently formed brotherhood of the Darqawa, which began near Tetuan and spread from there to the rest of Morocco. The main lodge, or ză- wiya, of the Darqawa was the scene of pilgrimages, nightly gather- ings, chanting, and other ecstatic practices associated with the wor- ship of saintly folk that is characteristic of Moroccan Islam. Soon the influence of the Darqawa brotherhood was paramount in the town. When Sultan Sulayman actively opposed saint worship for political and religious reasons, he stirred local resentment. All segments of Tetuani society, including devotees of the brotherhoods, merchants, notables, and ulema, joined to support his rival Mulay Sa'id. When in 1822 the Sultan abdicated in favor of his nephew Mulay Abd ar-Rahman, ending the campaign against the broth- erhoods, Tetuan is said to have rejoiced. This, then, is the background to as-Saffar's Tetuan: a city where side by side one found the luxurious refinement of Andalus and the crude roughness of the Rif; the urbane tastes of the rich merchant and the militancy of the holy warrior; the scholarly erudition of the mosque and the intense devotionalism of the zawiya. These con- trasts animated the world around Muhammad aş-Şaffar and shaped his consciousness.

對好戰的伊斯蘭教的依戀得到了另一個來源的鼓勵。從十八世紀後期開始，Tetuan成為密集宗教活動的焦點，這些宗教活動以最近成立的兄弟會 Darqawa 為中心，從Tetuan附近開始，並從那裡擴散到摩洛哥的其他地方。Darqawa 的主要寮屋 (ză- wiya) 是朝聖、每晚聚會、吟唱以及其他與摩洛哥伊斯蘭教特色的聖人工作相關的狂喜練習的場所。不久之後，Darqawa 兄弟會的影響力在鎮上佔了上風。蘇萊曼 (Sultan Sulayman) 因政治和宗教原因積極反對聖人崇拜，激起了當地人的反感。Tetuani 社會的各個階層，包括兄弟會的信徒、商人、名流和 烏里瑪，都聯合起來支持他的對手 Mulay Sa'id。1822 年，當蘇丹退位，支持他的侄子 Mulay Abd ar-Rahman，結束對兄弟會的攻擊時，據說 Tetuan 非常高興。這就是薩法爾 (as-Saffar) 筆下的Tetuan (Tetuan) 的背景：在這座城市裡，人們可以同時發現安達魯斯 (Andalus) 的奢華精緻與里夫 (Rif) 的粗野粗糙；富商的高雅品味與聖戰者的好戰；清真寺的學術博學與扎維亞 (Zawiya) 的強烈虔誠。這些對立使 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 身邊的世界充滿活力，也塑造了他的意識。

He began his education in Tetuan, studying "under the sheikhs of his day," although their names are not known to us." Then he went to Fes to "read the sciences" at the mosque-university of the Qarawiyin in the company of his lifelong friend, Muhammad 'Azī- mãn, who later become the qadi, or judge, of Tetuan. * There was no fixed length to the course of study at the Qarawiyin, but most students generally stayed only four or five years. Aş-Şaffar, how- ever, remained in Fes more than eight years, immersing himself in the study of law, Hadith, and Arabic grammar with the noted scholar Ibn 'Abd ar-Rahman al-Hujrati." He must also have taken part in the evening sessions held outside the mosque, where exceр- tional students studied rhetoric and style to gain full mastery of lit- erary Arabic. When he finally returned to Tetuan in 1252/1836, he had earned the title of faqih, showing that he had excelled in the sciences of law and jurisprudence.

他在Tetuan (Tetuan) 開始接受教育，「在當時的酋長手下學習」，雖然我們不知道他們的名字。之後，他前往費斯 (Fes) 在卡拉維因 (Qarawiyin) 的清真寺大學「讀理科」，與他一生的好友穆罕默德 (Muhammad 'Azī- mãn) 為伴，後來穆罕默德成為Tetuan (Tetuan) 的卡迪 (qadi) 或法官。* 在 Qarawiyin 學習的課程沒有固定的長短，但大多數學生一般只學習四或五年。然而，Aş-Şaffar 在菲斯待了八年多，跟隨著名學者 Ibn 'Abd ar-Rahman al-Hujrati 學習法律、聖經和阿拉伯語文法。他一定也參加了在清真寺外舉行的晚會，在那裡，學生們學習修辭和風格，以全面掌握阿拉伯語文。當他在 1252/1836 年終於回到Tetuan時，他已獲得法吉的稱號，顯示出他在法律和法理學方面的卓越成就。

Aş-Şaffar acquired more than the tools of the legist's trade in Fes. Having completed his course of study with distinction, he was ready to enter the upper ranks of Moroccan society, the khāşşa, or people of standing, as opposed to the 'amma, or common folk. 88 Association with the Fes scholarly establishment was an "intense socializing experience" that offered the young man of modest yet genteel background direct entry into the provincial urban elite. Armed with letters of recommendation from his prestigious teach- ers, aş-Şaffar quickly found a suitable position, and slipped easily into the dignified if modest life of a notary ('adl) in the law court of Tetuan, where he gave testimony about the character of witnesses and supervised the drawing up of legal contracts. 90 Notaries were esteemed by the community for their knowledge of the law, and respected for their integrity. Aş-Şaffar was highly regarded on both counts, according to Dawud, and soon became one of the foremost notaries of Tetuan. He was also occupied with giving legal opin- ions, and occasionally substituted for the qadi in making decisions. His aspiration was to rise eventually to the position of judge in the court of Tetuan.

Aş-Şaffar 在非斯學到的不僅僅是法律工作者的工具。以優異的成績完成學業後，他已準備好進入摩洛哥社會的上層階級，即 khāşşa（有地位的人），有別於 'amma（普通人）。88 與菲斯的學術機構交往是一種「強烈的社交經驗」，讓出身樸素但有教養的年輕人直接進入外省的城市精英圈。有了著名教師的推薦信，aş-Şaffar 很快就找到了合適的職位，並輕鬆地晉升為Tetuan (Tetuan) 法院的公證人 ('adl)，在那裡為證人的品格作證，並監督法律合約的起草。90 公證人因其法律知識而受到社會的尊敬，並因其誠信而受到尊重。據 Dawud 所述，Aş-Şaffar 在這兩方面都受到高度評價，並很快成為Tetuan最重要的公證人之一。他還負責提供法律意見，偶爾會代替卡迪做出決定。他的願望是最終晉升為Tetuan的法官。

In addition to his duties as notary, aş-Şaffar taught in the mosque of the Upper Fountain in Tetuan, specializing in Hadith and juris- prudence. He gave public lessons every morning in muamalat, or social relations, and every afternoon in 'ibādāt, or religious practice. No doubt these were years of contentment for him. Held in respect by his fellow Tetuanis, he immersed himself in the comfortable at- mosphere of his native city, occupied with the tasks of teaching and administering justice. Aş-Şaffar also settled down in his family life,marrying the Sharifa al-Mubaraka, daughter of the muezzin; with her he had two daughters, both of whom married in Tetuan and whose descendents still live there. 92

除了公證人的職責外，阿斯-沙法爾還在Tetuan (Tetuan) 的上噴泉清真寺教書，專門教授聖經和法理。他每天上午上穆阿馬拉特 (muamalat) 或社會關係方面的公開課，下午上伊布達特 (ibādāt)或宗教修持方面的公開課。毫無疑問，這幾年對他來說是滿足的時光。他受到Tetuan同胞的尊敬，他沉浸在故鄉城市舒適的氣氛中，專注於教學與司法的工作。阿斯-沙法爾在家庭生活中也安頓下來，娶了穆斯津（muezzin）的女兒沙里法-穆巴拉卡（Sharifa al-Mubaraka）為妻；他與她生了兩個女兒，兩個女兒都嫁到了Tetuan，她們的後代至今仍生活在那裡。92

This calm and settled life was disrupted and eventually termi- nated by aş-Şaffar's association with the governor of Tetuan, Mu- hammad Ash'ash, and after his death, with his son, 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash. Reluctantly, the sources say, he was drawn away from his career in teaching and jurisprudence and pressed into the governor's service. Valued in this provincial setting for his thorough knowl- edge of Arabic language and Islamic law, he became Ash'ash's counselor, advising him on matters of legality and proper form. Aş- Şaffar's entry into his new vocation is reported as follows:

這種平靜安定的生活被 aş-Şaffar 與Tetuan省省長 Mu- hammad Ash「ash 的關係以及他死後與其子 」Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash 的關係打亂，並最終結束。據資料顯示，他不情願地從教學和法學的職業生涯中抽身，被迫為總督服務。由於他對阿拉伯語和伊斯蘭法律有深入的瞭解，因此在這個外省的環境中很受重用，他成為了 Ash'ash 的顧問，就合法性和適當形式的問題向他提供建議。Aş- Şaffar 履行新職責的過程如下：

The Sultan ordered all the governors of his domain to employ secretaries who were proficient in composition and the art of letter-writing. Letters had been coming to his court in the handwriting of country scholars who did not know the proper forms of address, were deficient in their responses, and showed no knowledge of grammar or language. One of these governors was Hajj 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash of Tetuan, who asked the Faqih aş-Şaffar to reply to the letters which came to him from the court. Aş-Şaffar at first refused, but Ash'ash persisted until he finally won him over. When [aş-Şaffar's] first letter arrived at the court, the Sultan was greatly pleased and said, "At last Ash'ash has taken on a secretary!"93

蘇丹下令所有領地的總督僱用精通寫作和書信藝術的秘書。一直以來，他的宮廷都收到鄉間學者手寫的信件，這些學者不知道正確的稱呼方式，回信內容不完整，也不懂文法或語言。其中一位總督是Tetuan (Tetuan) 的 Hajj 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash，他請法吉 aş-Şaffar 回覆朝廷寄給他的信件。Aş-Şaffar 一開始拒絕了，但 Ash'ash 一直堅持到最後。當 [阿什-沙法爾的] 第一封信送到宮廷時，蘇丹非常高興，他說：「阿什阿什終於聘請了一位秘書！」93

When the Sultan instructed Ash'äsh to prepare for his voyage to France by choosing an alim who could "attend to religious mat- ters," Ash'ash naturally turned to Muhammad aş-Şaffar. In France,aş-Şaffar showed a lively curiosity and took detailed notes. He tasted the food, the luxury, the strangeness of European life, and marveled at its variety. Beaumier wrote to de Chasteau in Tangier that "the savant is making the most of his time. He is gifted with an uncommon intellect and is carrying out research. He writes volumes." In the pages of the rihla, he comes alive and sharply into focus. We see him in a deeply private mode, stimulated by the beauty of women, contorting during his ritual ablutions, suffering with boredom at endless dinners. His opinions and ideas leap out from every page, some prosaic and conventional, others startlingly original. For him, the journey was more than a catalogue of curi- osities-it was a transforming experience. But after fifty days abroad, he longed for Tetuan and home-"the seat of our happi- ness, the comfort of our daily lives, the pillow of our heads, the nest of our youth, the abode of our joy and vitality."95

當蘇丹指示阿什阿什為他的法國之行做準備，選擇一位能「處理宗教事務」的阿利姆時，阿什阿什自然而然地選擇了穆罕默德-阿什-沙法爾（Muhammad aş-Şaffar）。在法國，aş-Şaffar 表現出了旺盛的好奇心，並做了詳細的筆記。他品嚐了歐洲的美食、奢華和奇特的生活，並驚嘆於其多樣性。Beaumier 在丹吉爾寫信給 de Chasteau 說："這位才華橫溢的人正在充分利用他的時間。他天資聰穎，正在進行研究。他著述甚豐"。在 rihla 的書頁中，他栩栩如生，鮮明突出。我們看到他在極度私密的狀態下，受到美麗女性的刺激，在洗浴儀式中扭曲身體，在無休止的晚餐中感到無聊。他的觀點和想法從每一頁躍然紙上，有些平實而傳統，有些則驚人新穎。對他來說，這趟旅程不只是一份好奇心的目錄，更是一次轉變的經驗。但在國外 50 天之後，他嚮往Tetuan和他的家--「那是我們快樂的所在、我們日常生活的舒適、我們頭上的枕頭、我們青春的巢穴、我們快樂和活力的居所」95。

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In Tetuan once again, aş-Şaffar resumed his position in the judi- ciary and his teaching in the mosque, along with his secretarial du- ties for Ash'ash. In addition to all this, he busied himself in writ- ing his report to the Sultan. Once the onerous task was completed, he returned to obscurity, and for the next few years we hear nothing of him.

在Tetuan，阿什-沙法爾再次恢復了他在司法機構的職務和在清真寺的教學工作，並為阿什阿什擔任秘書工作。除此之外，他還忙著寫給蘇丹的報告。繁重的任務完成後，他便隱姓埋名，在接下來的幾年裡，我們再也聽不到他的消息。

This phase came to an abrupt end in the month of Ramadan 1267/June 1850, when 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh fell into royal disfa- vor and aş-Şaffar found himself in grave difficulty because of their association. During the feast of 'Id al-Kabir," the Sultan ordered the governor of Tetuan to the court at Fes to present the customary gifts due on the occasion. Unsuspecting, Ash'äsh made his way to Fes, taking Muhammad aş-Şaffar with him. Dawud recounts the ensuing events:

這個階段在 1267 年齋月/1850 年 6 月戛然而止，當時 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh 遭到皇室的譴責，而 aş-Şaffar 也因為他們的關係而陷入困境。在 「Id al-Kabir 」節期間，蘇丹命令Tetuan（Tetuan）的總督前往菲斯（Fes）的宮廷獻上慣例的禮物。Ash'äsh 毫無戒心，帶著 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 前往菲斯。Dawud 記述了接下來發生的事情：

When Ash'ash arrived in Fes with aş-Şaffär, his secretary, the two of them were invited by the Faqih Sīdī al-Kabir al-Fāsī to have lunch at his house. But Ash'ash excused himself, saying that he had to go to the palace to present his gift to the Sultan. Aş-Şaffar remained with Sīdī al-Fāsī, and it was a blessing from God that he did so. For when it came time for the midafternoon prayers and he rose to leave, the master of the house detained him until the time of the gift-giving had passed. Finally, aş-Şaffar left the house and came to the Saf- farin, where he heard the news about the seizing of Ash'ash and all those with him. As-Saffär went directly to the Zawiya Fäsiya to seek sanctuary. 99

當 Ash'ash 帶著他的秘書 aş-Şaffär 到達費斯時，法老 Sīdī al-Kabir al-Fāsī 邀請他們倆在他家共進午餐。但 Ash'ash 卻推說他要到宮殿去獻禮給蘇丹王。Aş-Şaffar 留在 Sīdī al-Fāsī 身邊，他這樣做是真主的祝福。當下午的禱告時間到了，他起身要離開的時候，房子的主人把他扣留了下來，直到送禮的時間過去。最後，阿斯-薩法爾離開了房子，來到了薩法林，在那裡他聽到了關於阿什什和所有與他在一起的人被抓的消息。阿斯-薩法爾直接前往札維亞法西亞（Zawiya Fäsiya）尋求庇護。99

During his confinement in the zawiya, aş-Şaffar tried to negoti- ate his release. Perhaps influential friends at court from his days in Fes intervened for him; perhaps the Sultan himself remembered the author of the travel account. In any case, aş-Şaffär was soon given a safe-conduct to leave the sanctuary. tuary. Not only was he pardoned for his ties with Ash'äsh, but he was invited to join the Sultan's entourage. 100

在扎維耶被囚禁期間，阿斯-薩法爾試圖協商釋放他。也许是他在菲斯时在宫廷中有影响力的朋友为他进行了交涉；也许是苏丹本人还记得这篇游记的作者。無論如何，aş-Şaffär 很快就被安全帶離了聖地。他不僅因與 Ash'äsh 的關係而獲得赦免，還被邀請加入蘇丹的隨從行列。100

The fate of 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash was less fortunate. While aş- Şaffar remained in the safety of the zawiya, Ash'ash was taken off to prison along with his entire family. All their possessions were to seized and sold, the profits going to the Makhzan. The reasons for their ruination are not entirely clear, but Dawud reproduces a de- tailed inventory of confiscated property showing that the family's resources were substantial and no doubt had aroused the cupidity of the Sultan. 101 Eventually Ash'äsh was released from prison and al- lowed to return to Tetuan, where he lived quietly. In 1862 Sultan Muhammad IV reappointed Ash'ash as governor; but soon he was in difficulty again, and had to be removed from his post. Ash'ash spent the rest of his life as a minor functionary in Meknes, where he died in 1282/1865-66. The once-proud Ash'ash family never re- gained the prominence it once had held in Tetuan affairs, 102

Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash 的命運就沒那麼幸運了。當 aş- Şaffar 仍留在安全的札維耶時，Ash'ash 和他的全家都被帶到監獄。他們所有的財產都被沒收和變賣，所得的利潤歸 Makhzan 所有。他們被毀滅的原因並不完全清楚，但 Dawud 複製了一份被沒收財產的尾部清單，顯示該家族的資源相當龐大，無疑引起了蘇丹的貪婪。101 最後，Ash'äsh 獲釋出獄，並返回Tetuan (Tetuan)，在那裡過著寧靜的生活。1862 年，蘇丹穆罕默德四世 (Sultan Muhammad IV) 再次任命 Ash'ash 為總督，但他很快又陷入困境，不得不被撤職。Ash'ash 的餘生都在梅克內斯 (Meknes) 擔任小官，並於 1282/1865-66 年去世。曾經引以為傲的 Ash'ash 家族在Tetuan事務中從未再獲得過以往的顯赫地位。

The second phase of aş-Şaffar's life, his period of government service, is the most elusive from the biographer's point of view. During his years in the Makhzan, his life becomes veiled in secrecy, his own individuality engulfed in the larger entity of the Sultan, the court, and the cadres of functionaries clustered around the center. Outwardly, every aspect of court life was subject to strict rules of protocol, the qa'ida, which governed all behavior from the pouring of tea to the greeting of foreign embassies. Coming from far-flung parts of the country, the officials who joined the Makhzan were molded by the qā'ida into one cohesive social category. Each left behind his regional loyalties and became a new type devoted to the royal institution alone. Their isolation from the rest of the popula- tion was heightened by their rootlessness, for the Sultan and his court assumed a nomadic existence, moving from one place to an- other, sometimes housed in one of the Sultan's palaces, at other times living under canvas.

從傳記家的角度來看，阿斯-沙法爾生命的第二階段，即他在政府服務的時期，是最難捉摸的。在馬赫贊 (Makhzan) 的幾年間，他的生活被掩蓋在秘密之中，他的個性被吞沒在蘇丹、宮廷和圍繞中心的官員團隊這個更大的實體中。從外表上看，宮廷生活的每個方面都受到嚴格的禮儀規則 (qa'ida) 規範，從倒茶到迎接外國使節，所有的行為都受其規範。加入 Makhzan 的官員來自全國各地，他們被 qā'ida 塑造成一個有凝聚力的社會類別。每個人都拋棄了他對地區的忠誠，成為一個新的類型，只獻身於皇室機構。由於蘇丹和他的宮廷採取游牧的生活方式，從一個地方移居到另一個地方，有時住在蘇丹的宮殿裡，有時住在帆布下，這加強了他們與其他民眾的隔離。

In return, the court official received certain benefits. He was re- lieved of all worries about his own upkeep, and given free food and lodging. In the time of Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman, even the highest officials were unsalaried. In theory, they were dependent on the Sul- tan for everything, awaiting presents of houses, clothing, property, and even money. In practice, however, they used the power of their office to increase their personal wealth, and the life of the high of- ficial was generally one of comfort and luxury. 10)

作為回報，宮廷官員得到了一些好處。他不必為自己的生活擔憂，還可以免費吃住。在蘇丹阿卜杜拉曼 (Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman) 時代，即使是最高級的官員也是無薪的。理論上，他們一切都依賴蘇爾坦，等待房屋、衣服、財產甚至金錢的饋贈。但實際上，他們利用職權來增加個人財富，高級官員的生活一般都很舒適和奢華。10)

The attractions of court life would have been difficult to resist, even if one were given a choice. As it happened, as-Saffar had none; deprived of his patron in Tetuan, dispirited by his period of con- finement, he decided to throw his lot with the Makhzan. For the next thirty years he lived in the innermost circle, his individual ac- tions woven into a larger tapestry, the strands of his life nearly in- separable from the rich fabric of the whole.

宮廷生活的吸引力是很難抵擋的，即使人們可以選擇。結果，薩法爾 (as-Saffar) 沒有選擇；他在Tetuan (Tetuan) 失去了贊助人，又因被囚禁而感到沮喪，於是決定投靠馬赫贊 (Makhzan)。在接下來的三十年中，他一直生活在最內層的圈子中，他的個人行動被編織在一幅更大的錦繡中，他生命中的每一縷都幾乎無法從整體的豐富織物中分離出來。

When Muhammad aş-Şaffar came to the court, he was not in- tegrated into the ranks of secretaries engaged in endless letter- writing. Instead, the Sultan entrusted him with tutoring the royal princes, including the future Sultan Hasan I. In return he was pro- vided "with meals from the Sultan's table both morning and night." This arrangement placed him within the family circle of the Sultan, and in a short time the extent of aş-Şaffar's talents became clear. The relationship between them developed as follows:

當 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 來到宮廷時，他沒有被編入秘書的行列，從事無休無止的寫信工作。作為回報，他 「從早到晚都能享用蘇丹餐桌上的美食」。這樣的安排讓他進入了蘇丹的家庭圈子，而在很短的時間內，阿斯-沙法爾的才能就顯露無遺了。他們之間的關係發展如下：

Sometimes the Sultan himself was present at these lessons with the royal princes, that is, the sons and grandsons of the Sultan, and he would ask [aş-Şaffar] to lead the prayer if his ranking prayer-leader was not present. Also he would spend much time with him in conversation. Then he made him his special secretary to carry out the duties which he wished to confer only on someone in whom he had perfect confidence and trust. 104

有時，蘇丹本人也會與王室王子（即蘇丹的子孫）一起出席這些課程，如果他的首席領禱者不在，他會請 [aş-Şaffar] 領禱。此外，他還會花很多時間與他交談。然後，他讓他擔任他的特別秘書，執行他希望只賦予他完全信任和信賴的人的職責。104

Advancing from teacher to confidential secretary, aş-Şaffar rose finally to the rank of First Minister (wazir al-awwal) at the end of the reign of Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman. This was the highest position to which an official of the Makhzan could aspire. 105 His task was to sit at the Sultan's side, executing his orders and staying in touch by cor- respondence with local officials. Although the relationship between the Sultan and his Minister varied, one fact is clear: the Minister had to enjoy the full confidence of the ruler in order to remain in his post. The most telling insight into aş-Şaffar's character is that for nearly three decades he remained at the center of power, a remark- able record of durability in the volatile world of Makhzan politics.

從老師到機密秘書，aş-Şaffar 最終在蘇丹 'Abd ar-Rahman 統治末期晉升為第一大臣 (wazir al-awwal)。這是 Makhzan 官員可以晉升的最高職位。105 他的任務是坐在蘇丹身邊，執行蘇丹的命令，並與地方官員保持緊密聯繫。雖 然 蘇 丹 與 其 大 臣 之 間 的 關 係 各 有 不 同 ， 但 有 一 個 事 實 是 很 清 楚 的 ： 大 臣 必 須 得 到 統 治 者 的 充 分 信 任 ， 才 能 保 持 其 職 位 。最能說明 aş-Şaffar 性格的是，將近三十年來，他一直位居權力中心，這是馬赫贊政壇動盪不安的一個顯著記錄。

When as-Saffar became First Minister, he lost no time in elimi- nating rivals and taking advantage of his new position. According to Muhammad Gharrit, there was at that time a chief of protocol06 who was "all-powerful and kept the monopoly of influence for him- self. He took charge of all matters of supply, as well as the sources of income and expenditures, without referring to aş-Şaffar." As- Şaffar complained to the Sultan, who removed the offending offi- cial. Thereafter, Gharrit continues, aş-Şaffar took over, "milking the udder and selecting the seed, amassing his wealth in Tetuan." 107 The sources tell us little about the remainder of aş-Şaffär's career in government, and he emerges into view only fleetingly. In the summer of 1859, for example, Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahman was failing, and the succession was in doubt. The anchor of the Makhzan was Muhammad aş-Şaffär. "Two English doctors were called to Mek- nes for consultation in August," the French archives report, "and pronounced him close to the end. The Minister aş-Şaffar was the real master of affairs." Aş-Şaffar was also instrumental in assuring the smooth election of his successor, Sultan Muhammad IV (1859- 73), who was an advocate of reform. 109

當 As-Saffar 成為第一部長時，他不失時機地排除競爭對手，並利用他的新地位。根據 Muhammad Gharrit 的說法，當時有一位 Protocol06 的首領「叱吒風雲，獨攬大權」。他掌管所有供應事宜以及收入和支出來源，無需諮詢 aş-Şaffar"。As-Şaffar 向蘇丹投訴，蘇丹撤換了違規的官員。Gharrit 接著說，自此之後，aş-Şaffar 接手「擠乳房、選種子，在Tetuan累積財富」。107 有關 aş-Şaffär 餘下的執政生涯，資料來源告訴我們的不多，他也只是曇花一現。例如，在 1859 年夏天，蘇丹 'Abd ar-Rahman 正在衰落，繼承權成疑。Makhzan 的主心骨是 Muhammad aş-Şaffär。「法國檔案報告說：「8 月，兩位英國醫生被召到 Mek- nes 診治，宣佈他已接近死亡邊緣。Aş-Şaffar部長是事務的真正主人"。Aş-Şaffar 在確保他的繼任者、倡導改革的蘇丹穆罕默德四世（1859- 73 年）順利當選方面也發揮了重要作用。109

One of the new Sultan's objectives was to rationalize the state structure, and alongside his First Minister he created another posi- tion, the Minister of Complaints (wazir ash-shikāyāt), who acted as his eyes and ears in responding to grievances from the local level. To this post he appointed Muhammad aş-Şaffar. The new Minis- ter's task was to receive all kinds of complaints, answering some himself "according to the Sultan's will," referring others to the ruler. Once a week, the Sultan in person would hear plaintiffs, af- firming his traditional role of chief judge and final court of ap- peal. We have a glimpse of the conduct of the office from Ibn Zaydan's Ithaf.

新任蘇丹的目標之一是使國家結構合理化，除了第一大臣之外，他還設立了另一個職位--申訴大臣 (wazir ash-shikāyāt)，作為他回應地方申訴的耳目。他任命 Muhammad aş-Şaffar 擔任此職。新任部長的任務是接受各種投訴，「根據蘇丹的旨意」親自回答一些投訴，並將其他投訴轉介給統治者。每週一次，蘇丹會親自聽取原告的訴訟，這體現了他作為首席法官和終審法院的傳統角色。我們可以從 Ibn Zaydan 的《Ithaf》一覽這個職位的運作。

The custom of the sovereign in apportioning the days of the week was to receive on Sunday those who had a complaint. The Minister delegated to hear the grievances would come forward with a register of plaintiffs and their complaint. listing their name, their nisba," their place of residence, and a statement of the claim. The Sultan would take the register and call them up one by one, examining each until he had seen them all. He followed the claimant's problem closely, sorting out his words until the truth came clear; then he acted accordingly. All the while the Minister of Complaints stood behind the Sultan, holding a similar list.¹¹¹

君主在分配週日時的習慣是在週日接見那些有訴求的人。被委派聽取申訴的大臣會帶著原告登記冊和他們的申訴，列出他們的姓名、「nisba」、居住地和申訴聲明。蘇丹會拿著登記冊，逐一召見他們，逐一審查，直到全部看完。他會密切關注索償人的問題，整理他的說話，直到真相大白為止；然後，他會採取相應的行動。在此期間，申訴大臣站在蘇丹的身後，手持一份類似的名單。

Aş-Şaffar remained in this position throughout the reign of Mu- hammad IV and into that of his successor, Sultan Hasan I, until his death in 1298/1881.

Aş-Şaffar 在穆罕默德四世 (Mu- hammad IV) 統治期間一直擔任此職務，直至其繼任人哈桑一世 (Sultan Hasan I) 於 1298/1881 年去世。

The loyalty and discretion that marked aş-Şaffär's career at its outset were sustained to the end. Unlike others who fell athwart the royal pleasure and ended their years in banishment, aş-Şaffar's last days were lived in the same closeness to the center as his first. De- spite his growing age, he still followed the Sultan's entourage on its travels around Morocco. On one of these expeditions, as the royal party passed through the remote mountain area between Fes and Marrakesh, he became ill. Mulay Hassan's concern for him was so great, it is said, that he gave him his own litter, because the minister was too sick to ride. When they reached the region of the Ibn Zidūh clan near Tadla, aş-Şaffar died. There the Sultan ordered him pre- pared for burial, and attended the prayers for him. Then his body was returned to the Sultan's litter and carried to Marrakesh, where aş-Şaffar was buried in the garden of the shrine of Sīdī Yūsuf Bin 'Alī, outside of Bab Aghmat, one of the great gates of Marra- kesh. 114

忠誠和謹慎是 aş-Şaffär 職業生涯開始時的特徵，這一特徵一直保持到職業生涯結束。與其他辜負皇室恩寵、以放逐告終的人不同，阿斯-沙法爾的最後幾天與他最初的幾天一樣，都是在緊貼中央的情況下度過的。儘管年事已高，他仍然跟隨蘇丹的隨從周遊摩洛哥。在其中一次遠征中，當皇室隊伍經過菲斯和馬拉喀什之間的偏遠山區時，他生病了。據說，Mulay Hassan 對他非常關心，還把自己的轎子給了他，因為大臣病得無法騎馬。當他們抵達塔德拉附近的 Ibn Zidūh 部族地區時，aş-Şaffar 去世了。在那裡，蘇丹下令將他預先安葬，並為他做了祈禱。然後，他的屍體被送回蘇丹的轿子，抬到馬拉喀什，阿什-沙法爾被埋葬在 Bab Aghmat（馬拉喀什的大門之一）外 Sīdī Yūsuf Bin 'Alī 神殿的花園裡。114

The final burial near the saint was performed at the order of the Sultan, as a reward for a life spent in the service of the Makhzan. Paradoxically, it was aş-Şaffar's devotion to the institution he served so long that kept his name alive, while his achievements as a travel writer were soon forgotten. His biographers poured his life into a seamless mold of pious virtue, smoothing over the rough textures that made it unique. No one makes more than passing reference to his trip to France, with the exception of Muhammad Dawud;" and no one speculates on the effect the journey may have had on the rest of his life or work. Nor do we learn from them if his foreign expe- riences influenced Makhzan policy, although he lived in an age when reform along Western lines was the paramount issue of the day.

在聖人附近的最後安葬是根據蘇丹的命令進行的，作為對一生為 Makhzan 服務的獎勵。自相矛盾的是，正是 aş-Şaffar 對他長期服務的機構的奉獻精神使他的名字得以留存，而他作為一名旅行作家的成就卻很快被人遺忘。他的傳記作者們將他的一生澆灌成一個無縫的虔誠美德模子，撫平了使其獨一無二的粗糙紋理。除了 Muhammad Dawud 之外，沒有人提及他的法國之旅，也沒有人推測這次旅行對他後半生或工作的影響。我們也沒有從他們口中得知他的外國經歷是否影響了 Makhzan 的政策，儘管他所生活的時代，按照西方路線進行改革是當時最重要的議題。

We do learn that the skills of observation and elegance of expres- sion evident in the travel account were also qualities needed in the Makhzan, and that the intelligence and tact that helped him make his way in France were also virtues in the palace of the Sultan. But in order to discover the singularity of the man and of his experience, we must turn to the rihla itself. Just as an account of aş-Şaffar's life complements our understanding of the voyage, the reading of the voyage deepens our knowledge of the man.

我們確實了解到，旅行記載中所展現的觀察技巧和優雅的表達方式也是 Makhzan 所需要的品質，而幫助他在法國闖出一片天的智慧和機敏也是蘇丹王宮中的美德。但是，為了發現此人及其經歷的獨特之處，我們必須從 rihla 本身著手。正如對 aş-Şaffar 生平的描述補充了我們對航行的理解，對航行的閱讀加深了我們對此人的認識。

註解：

72. The main source for aş-Şaffar's life is TT 7:78-98. Other sources consulted include: Taqyid fi tarjamat al-wazir aş-Şaffär, unsigned, BRR #12419 (noted here as the "Anonymous Taqyid"); Ahmad ar-Ruhhüni, "Umdat ar-rawin fì tārīkh Tittawin 6:523-33, Bibliothèque Générale, Tetuan; al-'Abbās b. Ibrahim al-Murrākushi, Al-ilām bi-man halla Murrākush wa- Aghmat min al-a'lam, ed. 'Abd al-Wahab Bin Manşür, 10 vols. (Rabat, 1974-83), 7:34-35; Muhammad Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān fi anba wuzarā

wa-kuttab az-zaman (Fes, 1347/1928), pp. 70-71.

73. Visit of May 1973.

74. See p. 78.

75. In Moroccan usage, a successful merchant, often involved in inter- national trade..

76. G. S. Colin, El 1, S. V. "Titţawin." See also J. D. Latham, "The Reconstruction and Expansion of Tetuan: The Period of Andalusian Im- migration," Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of Hamilton A. R. Gibb, ed. G. Makdisi (Leiden, 1965), pp. 387-408; A. Joly, "Tétouan," part 2, "His- torique," AM 5 (1905): 198-264, 313-18.

77. An-Naşiri, İstiqşā 8:152.

78. In 1242/1826 the governor Muhammad Ash'ash, acting on the orders of Sultan 'Abd ar-Rahmän, imprisoned two leading merchants of Tetuan and "seized their wealth and sent it all to the Sultan." TT 3:278-79.

79. Plural of amin: the inspectors of finances in the port.

80. TT 3:236.

81. See p. 76.

82. Captured by the Portuguese in 1415, Ceuta has been under foreign control ever since. It passed to Spain in 1580, was seized by the British in 1810, and returned to Spain at the close of the Napoleonic Wars. Tangier, the residence of the consuls, was held in suspicion by other Moroccans. See A. Rey, "Le Maroc et la question d'Alger," Revue des deux mondes 24 (1840): 618, where the Minister Ibn Idris is quoted as saying: "C'est la ville des chrétiens"; Rey continues, commenting: "Ce n'est plus le Maroc, ce n'est pas encore l'Espagne."

83. TT 3:191.

84. See TT 3:206-24, 258-65, for this episode in Tetuan's history. On the Darqawa brotherhood, see El 2, s. v. "Darkāwa." Another cause of dis- pleasure was the tight rein Sulaymän kept on foreign trade, which cut into the profits of local businessmen. J. Brignon et al., Histoire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), p. 281.

85. TT 7:78. Aş-Şaffär did not leave behind a fahrasa, or "spiritual au- tobiography," which would have listed the names of his teachers and the works he studied with them.

86. Ibid. The traditional education system in Morocco is the subject of a study by D. Eickelman, "The Art of Memory: Islamic Education and Its Social Reproduction," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20, 4 (1978): 485-516 (see bibliography cited).

87. Abu al-'Abbās b. Muhammad b. 'Abd ar-Rahman al-Filali al- Hujrātī, shaykh al-jama'a (senior scholar) of the Qarawiyin mosque, re- garded as the most learned man of his generation. He died in 1303/1886. Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattānī, Salwat al-anfas wa-muhadathat al-akyas bi- man uqbir min al-'ulama waş-şulahā', 3 vols. (Fes, 1898), 2:206, 3:9; Lakh- dar, La vie littéraire, p. 357 note 193.

88. Terms used by both medieval and modern Arabic writers to broadly distinguish the elite from ordinary people. El 2, s.v. "al-Khāşşa wa'l- "Amma."

89. Eickelman, "Art of Memory," p. 496.

90. The 'adl's function was to witness contracts between parties and notarize them with the qadī's seal. He also knew legal language and could draw up documents correctly. This post was known as the shahid in the eastern Muslim world. Dozy 2:103.

91. Among his pupils was the Sheikh Mufaddal 'Afilal, a well-known Tetuani of that time, who left a diary mentioning that he began reading the Mukhtaşar Khalil with aş-Şaffär in 1258/1842, the Lamiyat al-Afal of Ibn Malik in 1259/1843, and the Alfiya in 1260/1844. TT 7:78-79. The Mukhta- şar was a "summary" of Imam Malik's Muwatta by Khalil b. Ishaq al- Jundi, GAL S 2:96; the Lämiyat is a work on philology by Jamal ad-Din b. 'Ali Ibn Malik, GAL S 1:526; the Alfiya, also by Ibn Mälik, is a basic man- ual on grammar, GAL S 2:522.

92. After aş-Şaffar left Tetuan he established a second household in Fes, where he married additional wives up to the Koranic limit of four. Several concubines are also named in his will.

93. Anonymous Taqyid, unpaged. As-Saffär actually began his employ- ment in the time of Ash'ash's father, Muhammad Ash'ash, according to ar-Ruhhüni.

94. AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beaumier to de Chasteau, 29 January 1846.

95. See p. 78. cf. also Beaumier's comment: "The ambassador and his suite are... beginning to miss their country." AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beau- mier to de Chasteau, 8 February 1846.

96. Dawud found documents bearing aş-Şaffar's 'alama, or official sig- nature, dating from 1263/1846, indicating that he continued to work in the judiciary after his return from France.

97. Id al-Adha, or Id al-Qurban, celebrated on the 10th of Dhū al- Hijja, the day on which pilgrims to Mecca sacrifice in the valley of Mina. SEI, s.v. "Id al-Adha."

98. Abd al-Kabīr b. al-Majdüb al-Fāsī (d. 1296/1879), a descendent of a distinguished Fāsī family, khațib, or preacher, in the sanctuary of Mulay Idris. E. Lévi-Provençal, Les historiens des Chorfa (Paris, 1922), p. 346. Da- wud's source was the Qadi Sidi Abd Hafiz al-Fāsī, grandson of Sidi al- Kabir. The gift, or hadīya, was a token of homage in money or goods pre- sented to the Sultan by local officials on important occasions.

99. TT 7:79-80. Tombs of certain saints were "sacred zones" where asylum could be sought. The sources do not agree on aş-Şaffär's choice of sanctuary. Dawud says he went to the Zawiya Fasiya, and the Anonymous Taqyid agrees. Ar-Ruhhūnī assumed he fled to the shrine of Mulay Idris, the customary place of sanctuary in Fes. The Zawiya Fäsiya is the religious lodge (zawiya) of Sīdī 'Abd al-Qadir al-Fāsī (d. 1680), located in the Qalqa- liyin quarter of Fes. N. Cigar, Muhammad al-Qadiri's 'Nashr al-Mathani": The Chronicles (London, 1981), p. 132 and note 7; Lévi-Provençal, Les his- toriens, pp. 264-65.

The Saffarin is a small square in the heart of the Fes medina near the Li- brary of the Qarawiyin, named for the many metalworkers (saffärin) there.

100. TT 7:79. Dawud says the Wazir Ibn Idris "looked favorably" on the letters of appeal and helped gain his release.

101. TT 3:303, 309-34.

102. TT 6:11; 88-91.

103. Descriptions of nineteenth-century Moroccan court life can be found in E. Aubin, pseud. (Léon Descos), Morocco of To-day (London, 1906), ch. 12; E. Michaux-Bellaire, "Au palais du Sultan marocain," RMM 5, 8 (August 1908): 647-62; and by the same author, El 1, s.v. "Makhzen." The best Arabic source is 'Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Zaydän, Al-'izz waş-şawla fi ma alim nuzum ad-dawla, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1929-33), vol. 1.

104. TT 7:81, 92.

105. The sources do not agree about the date of this appointment, varying by as much as two years, because aş-Şaffär was filling the duties of the office informally long before his official appointment began. TT 7:80- 81.

106. Qa'id al-mashwar. The mashwar is the large galleried court at the entrance to the royal palace. This official was head of the external palace guard, and master of ceremonies at official events such as military reviews and the greeting of ambassadors. Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:133-34 and glossary, p. 412.

107. Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān, pp. 70-71. The Anonymous Taqyid, on the other hand, cites numerous examples of aş-Şaffar's honesty. Aş-Şaffar became wealthy during his service with the Makhzan. His Tetuan resi- dence, acquired later in life, is beautifully decorated with fine tiles and carved woodwork. His position provided opportunities for gain, as it was customary for plaintiffs to give the wazir ash-shikayat (Minister of Com- plaints, see note 110 below) gifts of money "proportionate to the impor- tance of their claim," according to Michaux-Bellaire; "Un rouage du gou- vernement marocain: La beniqat ech chikaïat de Moulay Abd el Hafid," RMM 5, 6 (June 1908): 252.

Aş-Şaffar's will-a document measuring some 30 cm wide and 6 m long-lists all of his heirs, property, debts, and assets. It indicates that he left over thirty pieces of property in Tetuan, Fes, Zerhoun, and Marrakesh worth 42,883 riyāls. He also left 2,600 riyals in debts, which were forgiven after his death by order of Sultan Hasan I. Aş-Şaffär family archives, Te- tuan.

108. Miège, Le Maroc 2:359 note 4.

109. Ibid. Later, in 1873, aş-Şaffär was said to have been instrumental in quelling the "tanners' revolt" in Fes, dissuading Sultan Hasan I from bombarding the town by saying: "Fes is the crown jewel of Morocco; if we destroy it, where will we find another?" TT 7:89; al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:299-300.

110. See Laroui, Origines, p. 113; Mohamed Lahbabi, Le gouvernement marocain à l'aube du XXe siècle (Rabat, 1958), pp. 173-81. The Ministry of Complaints was created to relieve the social distress that mounted after the Spanish invasion of Tetuan in 1859. On this office, see Ibn Zaydän, 'Izz 1:50-54; al-Manūnī, Mazahir, and ed. (Casablanca, 1985), 1:43; and note 107 above.

111. A name denoting one's family, tribe, or place of origin.

112. This account is a description of the office under Hasan I, who suc- ceeded Muhammad IV. Ithaf 2:516.

113. The Ibn Zidüh were an important family who supplied governors for the Tadla region.

114. Sidi Yūsuf b. 'Alī, a Sufi saint of the twelfth century, one of the seven patron saints of Marrakesh. G. Deverdun, Marrakech: Des origines à 1912, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1959-66): vol. 1, pp. 378-79; vol. 2, plate 39.

115. Dawud's account of the embassy is in TT 3:295-309. Al-Murrā- kushi erroneously said the rihla was to England, a mistake corrected in the Bin Manşür edition. See Al-i'lăm 7:35 note 1.

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. It will be evident the extent to which Fussell's critical work has influenced my own reading of aş-Şaffär.

72. 有關 aş-Şaffar 生平的主要資料來源是 TT 7:78-98。其他參考資料包括 Taqyid fi tarjamat al-wazir aş-Şaffär，未署名，BRR #12419（在此注明为 「匿名 Taqyid」）；Ahmad ar-Ruhhüni，"Umdat ar-rawin fì tārīkh Tittawin 6:523-33，Bibliothèque Générale，Tetuan；al-'Abbās b．Ibrahim al-Murrākushi, Al-ilām bi-man halla Murrākush wa- Aghmat min al-a'lam, ed. 'Abd al-Wahab Bin Manşür, 10 vols. (Rabat, 1974-83), 7:34-35; Muhammad Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān fi anba wuzarā

wa-kuttab az-zaman (Fes, 1347/1928), pp.

73. 1973 年 5 月的訪問。

74. 見第 78 頁。

75. 在摩洛哥的用法中，指一位成功的商人，經常參與國與國之間的貿易。

76. G. S. Colin, El 1, S. V. 「Titţawin」. 另請參閱 J. D. Latham，「Tetuan 的重建與擴張」： The Period of Andalusian Im- migration，" Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of Hamilton A. R. Gibb，ed. G. Makdisi (Leiden, 1965), pp. 387-408; A. Joly, 「Tétouan,」 part 2, 「His- torique,」 AM 5 (1905)： 198-264, 313-18.

77. An-Naşiri, İstiqşā 8:152.

78. 1242/1826 年，總督 Muhammad Ash「ash 奉蘇丹 」Abd ar-Rahmän 之命，監禁了兩名Tetuan的主要商人，並「攫取了他們的財富，全部送交蘇丹」。TT 3:278-79.

79. Amin 的複數：港口的財務稽查員。

80. TT 3:236.

81. 見第 76 頁。

82. 休達於 1415 年被葡萄牙人奪取，自此一直由外國控制。1580 年歸屬西班牙，1810 年被英國人奪取，拿破崙戰爭結束後又歸還西班牙。丹吉爾（Tangier）是領事們的居住地，受到其他摩洛哥人的懷疑。見 A. Rey, 「Le Maroc et la question d'Alger,」 Revue des deux mondes 24 (1840)： 618，其中引用了部長 Ibn Idris 的話： 「C'est la ville des chrétiens」; Rey 繼續評論道： Rey 繼續評論道：「Ce n'est plus le Maroc, ce n'est pas encore l'Espagne」。

83. TT 3:191。

84. 有關 Tetuan 歷史中的這段插曲，請參閱 TT 3:206-24, 258-65。關於 Darqawa 兄弟會，見 El 2, s. v. 「Darkāwa」。另一個不愉快的原因是蘇萊曼嚴格控制對外貿易，削減了當地商人的利潤。J. Brignon et al., Histoire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), p. 281。

85. TT 7:78. Aş-Şaffär 並未留下 fahrasa 或「靈性自傳」，這本自傳會列出他的老師姓名以及他跟他們學習的作品。

86. 同上。摩洛哥的傳統教育制度是 D. Eickelman 的研究主題，「記憶的藝術： Islamic Education and Its Social Reproduction," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20, 4 (1978)： 485-516 (請參閱引用書目)。

87. Abu al-'Abbās b. Muhammad b. 「Abd ar-Rahman al-Filali al- Hujrātī，Qarawiyin 清真寺的 shaykh al-jama」a（資深學者），被譽為他那一代最博學的人。他於 1303/1886 年逝世。Muhammad b. Ja'far al-Kattānī, Salwat al-anfas wa-muhadathat al-akyas bi-man uqbir min al-'ulama waş-şulahā', 3 vols. (Fes, 1898), 2:206, 3:9; Lakh- dar, La vie littéraire, p. 357 note 193.

88. 中世紀和現代阿拉伯作家使用的詞彙，廣泛區分精英與普通人。El 2, s.v. 「al-Khāşşa wa'l- 」Amma」.

89. Eickelman, 「Art of Memory,」 p. 496。

90. adl 的職責是見證雙方簽訂的契約，並蓋上 qadī 的印章進行公證。他也懂得法律語言，能正確地起草文件。這個職位在東方穆斯林世界稱為沙希德 (shahid)。Dozy 2:103.

91. 在他的學生中，有當時著名的泰圖阿尼人 Sheikh Mufaddal 'Afilal，他留下的日記提到他在 1258/1842 年開始閱讀 Mukhtaşar Khalil 與 aş-Şaffär，在 1259/1843 年閱讀 Ibn Malik 的 Lamiyat al-Afal，在 1260/1844 年閱讀 Alfiya。TT 7:78-79. Mukhta- şar 是 Khalil b. Ishaq al- Jundi 對 Imam Malik 的 Muwatta 的「摘要」，GAL S 2:96；Lämiyat 是 Jamal ad-Din b. 'Ali Ibn Malik 的語言學著作，GAL S 1:526；Alfiya 也是 Ibn Mälik 所著，是一本基本的文法書，GAL S 2:522。

92. 阿斯-沙法爾 (aş-Şaffar) 離開Tetuan之後，在菲斯建立了第二個家庭，他在那裡娶了更多的妻子，最多達到古蘭經規定的四個。在他的遺囑中也提到了幾個妾室。

93. 匿名 Taqyid，未分頁。根據 ar-Ruhhüni 的說法，As-Saffär 實際上是在 Ash「ash 的父親 Muhammad Ash」ash 時期開始受僱的。

94. AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beaumier 致 de Chasteau，1846 年 1 月 29 日。

95. 參見第 78 頁。另參閱 Beaumier 的評論： 「大使和他的隨從......開始懷念他們的國家了」。AAE/ADM/Voyage, Beau- mier 致 de Chasteau，1846 年 2 月 8 日。

96. Dawud 發現了印有 aş-Şaffar'alama 或官方標誌的文件，日期為 1263/1846 年，表明他從法國回國後仍在司法機構工作。

97. Id al-Adha，或 Id al-Qurban，在 Dhū al- Hijja 的 10 號慶祝，這一天麥加的朝聖者在米納山谷獻祭。SEI，s.v. 「Id al-Adha」。

98. Abd al-Kabīr b. al-Majdüb al-Fāsī（卒於 1296/1879），Fāsī 傑出家族的後裔，Mulay Idris 聖地的 khațib，或傳道者。E. Lévi-Provençal, Les historiens des Chorfa (Paris, 1922), p. 346。Da- wud 的來源是 Sidi al- Kabir 的孫子 Qadi Sidi Abd Hafiz al-Fāsī。禮物或 Hadīya 是地方官員在重要場合預先送給蘇丹的金錢或物品，以表敬意。

99. TT 7:79-80. 某些聖人的墳墓是可以尋求庇護的「聖地」。關於 aş-Şaffär 選擇的庇護所，資料來源並不一致。Dawud 說他去了 Zawiya Fasiya，而 Anonymous Taqyid 也同意這個說法。Ar-Ruhhūnī 假定他逃到 Mulay Idris 的聖地，也就是費斯慣常的聖所。Zawiya Fäsiya 是 Sīdī 'Abd al-Qadir al-Fāsī（卒於 1680 年）的宗教小屋 (zawiya)，位於菲斯的 Qalqa- liyin 區。N. Cigar，《Muhammad al-Qadiri 的 'Nashr al-Mathani： The Chronicles (London, 1981), p. 132 and note 7; Lévi-Provençal, Les his- toriens, pp.

Saffarin 是菲斯麥地納中心靠近 Qarawiyin Li- brary 的一個小廣場，因那裡有許多金屬工人 (saffärin) 而得名。

100. TT 7:79. Dawud 說，Wazir Ibn Idris 對上訴信 「很有好感」，並協助他獲得釋放。

101. TT 3:303, 309-34。

102. TT 6:11; 88-91.

103. 有關十九世紀摩洛哥宮廷生活的描述，請參閱 E. Aubin, pseud. (Léon Descos), Morocco of To-day (London, 1906), ch. 12; E. Michaux-Bellaire, 「Au palais du Sultan marocain,」 RMM 5, 8 (August 1908)： 647-62; 以及同一作者，El 1，s.v. 「Makhzen」。最好的阿拉伯文來源是 'Abd ar-Rahman Ibn Zaydän, Al-'izz waş-şawla fi ma alim nuzum ad-dawla, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1929-33), vol. 1.

104. TT 7:81, 92。

105. 由於 aş-Şaffär 在正式任命開始前很久就以非正式的方式擔任此職務，因此有關任命日期的資料來源並不一致，相差達兩年之多。TT 7:80- 81。

106. Qa'id al-mashwar。mashwar 是王宮入口處的大型廊庭。這位官員是宮殿外部衛隊的首領，也是官方活動的司儀，例如軍事審查和迎接大使。Ibn Zaydän, Izz 1:133-34 和詞彙表、

107. Gharrit, Fawāşil al-jumān, pp. 匿名的 Taqyid 則舉了許多 aş-Şaffar 誠實的例子。Aş-Şaffar 在 Makhzan 服役期間變得富有。他晚年在Tetuan（Tetuan）購買的住宅裝飾精美，鋪設了精美的瓷磚和木雕。他的地位提供了賺錢的機會，因為根據 Michaux-Bellaire 的說法，原告通常會送錢給 wazir ash-shikayat（告狀部長，請參閱下文註 110），「與他們索賠的重要性成正比」；「Un rouage du gou- vernement marocain： La beniqat ech chikaïat de Moulay Abd el Hafid," RMM 5, 6 (June 1908)： 252.

Aş-Şaffar 的遺囑 - 一份寬約 30 公分、長約 6 公尺的文件 - 列出了他所有的繼承人、財產、債務和資產。遺囑指出，他在Tetuan、費斯、澤洪和馬拉喀什留下了三十多處財產，價值 42,883 里亞爾。他也留下了 2,600 里亞爾的債務，這些債務在他死後由蘇丹哈桑一世下令免除。Aş-Şaffär 家族檔案，Tetuan。

108. Miège, Le Maroc 2:359 註 4。

109. 同上。其後，在 1873 年，據說 aş-Şaffär 在平息菲斯的「皮匠起義」中發揮了重要作用，他說蘇丹哈桑一世（Sultan Hasan I）不應轟炸該城： 「菲斯是摩洛哥皇冠上的明珠；如果我們摧毀了它，我們到哪裡去找另一顆明珠呢？TT 7:89; al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:299-300.

110. 見 Laroui, Origines, p. 113; Mohamed Lahbabi, Le gouvernement marocain à l'aube du XXe siècle (Rabat, 1958), pp. 1859 年西班牙入侵Tetuan (Tetuan) 後，為了紓解社會困擾，成立了申訴部 (Ministry of Complaints)。關於這個部門，請參閱 Ibn Zaydän, 'Izz 1:50-54；al-Manūnī, Mazahir, and ed. (Casablanca, 1985)，1:43；及上文註釋 107。

111. 表示一個人的家庭、部落或出生地的名字。

112. 這段記載描述的是接替穆罕默德四世的哈桑一世 (Hasan I) 所擔任的職位。Ithaf 2:516.

113. Ibn Zidüh 是一個重要的家族，為 Tadla 地區提供總督。

114. Sidi Yūsuf b. 'Alī 是十二世紀的蘇非聖人，也是馬拉喀什的七位護法聖人之一。G. Deverdun, Marrakech： Des origines à 1912, 2 vols. (Rabat, 1959-66): vol. 1, pp.

115. Dawud 的使節記載於 TT 3:295-309。Al-Murrā- kushi 錯誤地說 rihla 是到英國，Bin Manşür 版本糾正了這個錯誤。請參閱 Al-i'lăm 7:35 註 1。

116. Paul Fussell, Abroad： Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling between the Wars (New York, 1980), p. 203. Fussell 的批判性著作在多大程度上影響了我自己對 aş-Şaffär 的閱讀，這將是顯而易見的。