1-2阿什大使

1-2The Embassy of Ash ash

1-2阿什大使

The idea of a Moroccan embassy was first raised during negotia- tions over the Treaty of Lalla Maghnia, when the French suggested that the Sultan send an envoy to France to implement "the modifications and changes that the new situation demanded." These overtures were greeted with reserve by the Makhzan. Months passed with no answer, while factions within the court debated the idea. The Sultan's representative to the foreign consuls, Bū Silhām b. 'Alī Azțūt, told a French intermediary that he favored concilia- tion with France but his views were not yet accepted at the court: "An alliance with France suits us," he is reported to have said. "This idea is not yet completely accepted by the Emperor but it is germinating in his spirit; I will nurture it with all the means in my power."19 Encouraged by this news, the French assigned Léon Roches, one of their most gifted and tenacious agents, to organize the mission. Roches was in steady contact with Bū Silhām in La- rache and with First Minister Muhammad Ibn Idris at the court.2

设立摩洛哥大使馆的想法最初是在《拉拉-马赫尼亚条约》谈判期间提出的，当时法国人建议苏丹派遣一名特使前往法国，以实施 "新形势所要求的修改和变革"。 马赫赞对这些建议持保留态度。 几个月过去了，没有得到任何答复，而宫廷内部各派则对这一想法争论不休。 苏丹驻外国领事的代表 Bū Silhām b. 'Alī Azțūt 告诉一位法国中间人，他赞成与法国结盟，但他的观点尚未被宫廷接受： "据报道，他说："与法国结盟适合我们。 "19 在这一消息的鼓舞下，法国人指派他们最有天赋和最顽强的代理人之一莱昂-罗切斯（Léon Roches）组织这次使团。 罗切斯与拉赫的布-西尔哈姆（Bū Silhām）以及宫廷第一大臣穆罕默德-伊本-伊德里斯（Muhammad Ibn Idris）保持着稳定的联系。

Meanwhile, the French government's enthusiasm for a Moroccan embassy grew, especially as its political advantages became clear. The ambassador would be tangible proof to a divided French public that the goals of the long and costly Algerian war had finally been achieved: "The Emperor of Morocco must give our King a Powerful weapon to withstand the opinion of his subjects," wrote Roches. "That weapon is the ambassador." Also in the back of Roches's mind was another vision of a Morocco tamed and chastened, and joining the ranks of Muslim states that had already submitted to the will of France. The Sultan would someday conclude an alliance like "that which exists between us and the Sultan of Constantinople, the Pasha of Egypt, and the Bey of Tunis. You should come to our country to seek the instructors who will furnish magnificent battalions to Turkey, Egypt, and Tunis, and to study our science and industry."23

与此同时，法国政府对摩洛哥使馆的热情与日俱增，特别是随着其政治优势的日益明显。 大使将向分裂的法国公众切实证明，漫长而代价高昂的阿尔及利亚战争的目标终于实现了： "罗歇写道："摩洛哥皇帝必须给我们的国王一个强大的武器，以抵制臣民的舆论。 "这个武器就是大使。 罗歇的脑海中还浮现出另一个愿景：一个被驯服、受到约束的摩洛哥，加入已经屈服于法国意志的穆斯林国家的行列。 有朝一日，苏丹将缔结一个类似于 "我们与君士坦丁堡苏丹、埃及帕夏和突尼斯酋长之间的联盟"。 你们应该来我们国家寻找教官，他们将为土耳其、埃及和突尼斯提供强大的军队，并研究我们的科学和工业 "23。

Compelling reasons led the Moroccans to negotiations at this time. First of all, there was the situation with 'Abd al-Qadir; the French were pressing for his expulsion, but the Sultan needed more time. Roches argued that direct appeal for patience made in Paris would be more persuasive than indirect diplomacy in Morocco. 24 Then there was the advantage of seeing France at first hand; some of the inspiration behind the embassy must have been the chance to gather intelligence directly, and through a trusted envoy, rather than through intermediaries whose loyalties were in doubt. Finally, ③ the Sultan may have reasoned, negotiation in this case was the proper course. While holy war was one aspect of the relationship with the non-Muslim world, compromise and conciliation, sulh and hudna, were another, employed by Muslim rulers since the earliest times. As long as there was a consensus that it served the interests of the community, and as long as the agreements reached were seen as temporary and short-term, diplomacy with non-Muslims was an approved instrument of policy. 25

迫不得已的原因促使摩洛哥人在此时进行谈判。 首先是阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔（'Abd al-Qadir）的情况；法国人正在催促驱逐他，但苏丹需要更多的时间。 罗切斯认为，在巴黎直接呼吁耐心等待比在摩洛哥间接外交更有说服力。 24 此外，在第一时间见到法国也有好处；使馆背后的一些启发肯定是有机会直接收集情报，而且是通过一位值得信赖的特使，而不是通过忠诚度令人怀疑的中间人。 最后，③ 苏丹可能认为，在这种情况下，谈判才是正确的选择。 圣战是穆斯林与非穆斯林世界关系的一个方面，而妥协与和解，即 sulh 和 hudna，则是穆斯林统治者自古以来就采用的另一种方式。 只要大家一致认为这样做符合穆斯林的利益，只要达成的协议被视为暂时和短期的，那么与非穆斯林的外交就是一种被认可的政策手段。 25

Precedent also dictated the conventions of Muslim diplomacy. Unlike European states, who watched over their foreign interests through resident consuls, most Muslim states in premodern times, including Morocco, had no corps of "professional" diplomats and no permanent embassies abroad. Negotiations were usually carried out by special envoys chosen by the ruler: they went abroad, performed their duties, and returned home as soon as the mission was completed. Nevertheless, to be chosen as an envoy was a mark of distinction, and diplomatic appointments were eagerly sought. So when the Sultan's intention of sending an ambassador to France became known, his choice became a subject of intense speculation.

先例也决定了穆斯林外交的惯例。 与欧洲国家通过驻外领事监督其对外利益不同，前现代的大多数穆斯林国家，包括摩洛哥在内，都没有 "专业 "外交官队伍，也没有常设驻外使馆。 谈判通常由统治者挑选的特使进行：他们出国履行职责，完成使命后立即回国。 尽管如此，被选为特使也是一种荣耀，因此人们都热切地希望得到外交任命。 因此，当苏丹打算向法国派遣一名大使的消息传开后，他的人选就成了人们热衷猜测的话题。

Friends at the court told Roches how the topic of the embassy was on everyone's lips. Each faction had its own candidate; the French Consul at Tangier, Edme de Chasteau, reported that "Ibn Idris has come forth with one, Bū Silhām with another, and the Emperor is inclined toward a rich merchant of Fes."26 Hoping to influence the choice, Roches invoked the days of Mulay Isma'il and Louis XIV, when relations between the two nations were marked by "pomp, magnificence, and happy results," and urged the Moroccans to appoint "a man who combines all the advantages of an imposing exterior, an intelligent spirit, a noble origin, and an ele- vated rank in his government."27

宫廷里的朋友们告诉罗歇，使馆的话题是如何成为每个人的谈资。 每个派别都有自己的候选人；法国驻丹吉尔领事埃德姆-德-沙斯托（Edme de Chasteau）报告说："伊本-伊德里斯（Ibn Idris）提出了一个人选，布-西尔哈姆（Bū Silhām）提出了另一个人选，而皇帝则倾向于菲斯的一个富商。"26 罗切斯希望对人选产生影响，他提到了穆莱-伊斯玛仪和路易十四的时代，当时两国关系的特点是 "华丽、壮观和结果皆大欢喜"，他敦促摩洛哥人任命 "一个集威严的外表、智慧的精神、高贵的出身和政府中的高级职位等所有优点于一身的人 "27。

Word finally came that the Sultan had reached a decision. Roches heard from "a friend at the court in Fes" that 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash, the governor of Tetuan, had been selected. Roches im- mediately wrote a flattering description of Ash'ash to Foreign Minister Guizot that made up in enthusiasm what it lacked in accuracy:

苏丹终于做出了决定。 罗切斯从 "菲斯宫廷的一位朋友 "那里得知，德图安省省长阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什阿什（Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash）已被选中。 罗切斯立即给外交部长吉佐（Guizot）写了一封对阿什阿什的溢美之词：

His ancestors were among the Moors chased out of Spain in the fifteenth century who settled where the city of Tetuan is now; that is to say, they were its founders. Since that time, the position of Pasha [governor] has fallen to the eldest of the family. This hereditary pashalik [governorship] is without parallel in Morocco. Ash'ash is thus among the men of good breeding and distinction. Barely thirty-five years old, he is learned and has much worldly experience. He possesses all the confidence and friendship of the Emperor, has a considerable fortune, and has been to Mecca. . It would be quite impossible to find in Morocco a man more suitable than he. 28

他的祖先是十五世纪被赶出西班牙的摩尔人，他们在现在的德图恩市定居，也就是说，他们是这座城市的创始人。 从那时起，帕夏（总督）一职就由家族中的长子担任。 这种世袭的帕夏里克（省长）职位在摩洛哥是绝无仅有的。 因此，Ash'ash 属于有教养、出类拔萃的人。 他年仅 35 岁，但博学多才，阅历丰富。 他得到了皇帝的信任和友谊，拥有一笔可观的财富，还去过麦加。 在摩洛哥不可能找到比他更合适的人选了。 28

Ash'ash was the eldest son of a rich and powerful Tetuan family that had ruled the city for three generations. His grandfather, 'Abd ar-Rahman Ash'ash, the first of his family to gain political prominence, had been governor of Tetuan at three different times; his father, Muhammad Ash'ash, also a governor, was known as a man of powerful and autocratic personality. Greatly feared and respected, he was said to have ruled Tetuan with an iron hand. "In his day," says his biographer Muhammad Dawud, "it was safe for womenfolk to walk the streets day and night," in the classic meta- phor for peace and security. His ruthlessness and loyalty to the Sul- tan allowed him to consolidate the hold of his clan over Tetuan, and at his death in 1845 the governorship passed directly to his eldest 'Abd al-Qadir. 29

阿什阿什是一个富有而强大的德图恩家族的长子，这个家族已经统治了这座城市三代。 他的祖父阿卜杜-拉赫曼-阿什阿什（'Abd ar-Rahman Ash'ash）是家族中第一个在政治上获得显赫地位的人，曾三次担任过德图恩省省长；他的父亲穆罕默德-阿什阿什（Muhammad Ash'ash）也曾担任过省长，是一个以强势和专制著称的人。 他的父亲穆罕默德-阿什阿什（Muhammad Ash'ash）也曾担任过总督，是一位著名的强势独裁者。 "他的传记作者穆罕默德-达乌德（Muhammad Dawud）说："在他的时代，妇女们日夜都可以安全地走在街上。 他的冷酷无情和对苏尔坦的忠诚使他得以巩固其部族对德图恩的控制，1845 年他去世后，总督职位直接传给了他的长子阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔。 29

'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash had held office for only a few months when the prize of the ambassadorship was awarded to him. More- over, he was younger than Roches estimated, probably twenty-eight years old. One wonders how a man of so little experience was chosen for such a demanding task. It was true that Ash'ash was no newcomer to public life; he had spent his formative years at his father's side, apprenticing in the subtle politics of town and court. 3º But more important than his background and capabilities was his enormous wealth, which allowed him to assume the expenses of the embassy himself. This seems to have been the deciding factor, and Ash'ash was regarded as a fortunate choice: dignified, skilled in public affairs, and endowed with a private fortune that would relieve the Makhzan of much of the heavy costs of the mission. 3"

The letter from the Sultan appointing 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash also instructed him on how to prepare for the journey:

阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什（Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash）被授予大使职位时，他才刚刚任职几个月。 而且，他比罗歇估计的要年轻，大概只有 28 岁。 人们不禁要问，一个经验如此匮乏的人是如何被选中执行如此艰巨的任务的。 诚然，阿什阿什并不是公共生活的新手；他在父亲身边度过了成长的岁月，在城镇和宫廷的微妙政治中见习。 3º 但比他的背景和能力更重要的是他的巨额财富，这使他能够自己承担使馆的费用。 这似乎是决定性的因素，阿什阿什被认为是一个幸运的选择：高贵、精通公共事务、拥有私人财富，可以减轻马赫赞的大部分使团费用。 3"

苏丹在任命阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什阿什的信中还指示他如何准备这次旅行：

Our most excellent servant, Hajj 'Abd al-Qadir Ashash, may God grant you success, may peace be upon you along with the blessings and mercy of the Most High. The request has been made repeatedly that we send an ambassador to the land of the French as a demonstration of the truce between us. We asked your father, God have mercy upon him, when he was alive, and he agreed, saying that if another were [chosen] it would be necessary to provide for him, but if he were to go, nothing more would be needed. No ambassador was sent at that time because of our situation with the French. However, today the need is greater than ever, and God advises us to send you as ambassador to Paris.

我们最优秀的仆人，朝觐者阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔-阿什什，愿真主赐予你成功，愿和平与至高者的祝福和仁慈同在。 我们曾多次请求向法国派遣一名大使，以表明我们之间的休战。 我们曾在你父亲（愿主怜悯之）在世时问过他，他同意了，并说如果[选择]另一个人，就有必要为他提供帮助，但如果他去了，就不再需要什么了。 由于我们与法国的关系，当时没有派遣大使。 然而，今天的需求比以往任何时候都大，上帝建议我们派你作为大使前往巴黎。

We judge you worthy of this mission because of your high rank and position, and your knowledge of rules and proper decorum. With the arrival of this letter, you should begin to prepare by choosing those who will accompany you. They should be men of intelligence, virtue, and piety, who are acquainted with the ways of other peoples. You should also take an 'alim to attend to religious matters such as prayers and reading from the Koran, for the French examine Muslims closely about the mysteries of their beliefs both in general and Jin particular.

我们认为你有资格承担这一使命，因为你的级别和职位很高，而且你懂得规矩和礼仪。 此信一到，您就应该开始准备，挑选随行人员。 他们应该是智慧、美德和虔诚的人，熟悉其他民族的生活方式。 您还应该带一名 "阿利姆 "来处理宗教事务，如祈祷和诵读《古兰经》，因为法国人会仔细研究穆斯林的一般信仰和特殊信仰的奥秘。

In order that you may all leave together, you should begin to prepare now. Ten days before the festival of 'Id al-Fitr, 35 come to our presence and spend it here. Then you may leave on your mission, taking with you the gifts we have readied for them, such as lions and the like.

为了让你们能一起离开，你们现在就应该开始准备。 在开斋节的前十天，35 人到我们这里来过节。 然后，你们就可以带着我们为他们准备的礼物，如狮子等，出发去执行任务了。

This is not a difficult mission, for you are not required to bind or loosen a contract, but are merely charged with delivering a letter and returning with a response, if God is willing, and it is He who will recompense you. Peace. 36

这并不是一项艰巨的任务，因为你们不需要签订合同或解除合同，而只是负责送一封信，然后带着回信返回，如果真主愿意，他将报答你们。 平安。 36

It had taken nearly a year from the time the embassy was first proposed to the moment when Ash'ash and his suite were ready to depart. As the time drew near, Roches's confidence that his diplomacy was succeeding grew. Elated with his success, he wrote that "a revolution is taking place at the court. This revolution is entirely in our favor, and we are at the point of establishing the influence of France over that of all other nations, if we know how to profit from it."37

从最初提议建立使馆到阿什阿什一行人准备启程，用了将近一年的时间。 随着时间的临近，罗切斯对自己的外交取得成功越来越有信心。 他欣喜地写道："宫廷里正在发生一场革命。 这场革命对我们完全有利，如果我们知道如何从中获益，法国的影响力将超越所有其他国家。

 

Plate 2. Portrait of the Ambassador, Hajj Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh.

图 2. 大使 Hajj Abd al-Qadir Ash'äsh 的肖像。

註解：

17. For mention of Ibn Idris's library see ibid., p. 215 n. 63. On at- Tahțāwī, see note 132 below.

18. AAE/MDM 9/370, de La Rue to Ibn Idris, 22 March 1845.

19. AAE/CPM 14/119-22, Roches to Guizot, 24 August 1845. Abū Sil- hām b. 'Alī Azțūt, governor of Tangier and Larache (popularly known as Bū Silhām), was the Sultan's representative to the European consuls resi- dent in Tangier. Foreign relations were conducted through Makhzan offi- cials residing in the North, who acted as go-betweens to shield the Sultan and the court from excessive contact with foreigners.

20. Roches began his career with the French army in Algeria in 1832, and in 1837, during a period of truce, became 'Abd al-Qadir's personal secretary, taking the Arabic name 'Umar b. ar-Rūsh. In 1839 he rejoined Gen. Bugeaud's staff and played a key role in the embassy of Ash'ash, accompanying the group to Paris. AAE, Personal Dossier, "Léon Roches"; M. Emerit, "La légende de Léon Roches," Revue africaine 91, 410-11 (1947): 81-105. Roches's memoir Trente-deux ans à travers l'Islam, 2 vols. (Paris, 1884-87), does not cover this period.

21. Muhammad Ibn Idris (1794-1847), First Minister to Sultan Mulay 'Abd ar-Rahman, was a poet and statesman of extraordinary ability. Orig- inally staunchly anti-European, after Isly his attitude changed and he fa- vored the sending of an embassy to France. See Näşir al-Fāsī, "Muhammad Ibn Idris, wazir Mulay Abd ar-Rahman wa-sha'iruhu," Al-bahth al-'ilmi 1 (January-April 1964): 157-80.

22. AAE/CPM 14/182, Roches to Ibn Idris, 12 September 1845. On the

political debate within France over the Algerian war, see F. P. G. Guizot,

France under Louis-Philippe, 1841-1847 (London, 1865), pp. 117, 130.

23. AAE/CPM 14/182, Roches to Ibn Idris, 12 September 1845.

24. AAE/CPM 14/152-53, Roches to Gen. de La Morcière, 3 September 1845. The Sultan wrote to Bü Silham that the purpose of the embassy was "to demonstrate far and wide that [our] differences were over and we have returned to our former situation." He also wanted to "cancel the clause regarding 'Abd al-Qadir," and "most important, obtain the release of Muslim captives in the hands of the enemy." This last objective is not mentioned in the French sources. DAR 17561, 22 Jumādā ath-Thānī 1261/28 June 1845.

25. The conditions under which travel to the non-Muslim world should take place were a matter of concern to devout Muslims. Islamic doctrine taught that travel should be toward the community of believers, not away from it. The essential meaning of hijra, "migration," was movement away from där al-kufr, the territory of the disbelievers, to dar al-islam, the house of Islam. Thus travel to the West was inherently problematic, and a point of discussion among the ulema. See Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, eds., Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990), and especially the essay by Muhammad Khalid Masud, "The Obligation to Migrate: The Doctrine of Hijra in Islamic Law," pp. 29-49. In the same volume, Moroccan travel is treated by Abderrahmane El Moudden in "The Ambivalence of Rihla: Community Integration and Self-definition in Moroccan Travel Accounts, 1300-1800," pp. 69-84. For more on this subject, see Laroui, Origines, pp. 320-21; M. El-Mansour, "Moroccan Perceptions of European Civilisation in the Nineteenth Century," in Morocco and Europe, ed. George Joffé, Center of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Occasional Paper 7 (London, 1989), pp. 37-45; and A. al-Qadūrī, "Şuwar 'an Urübbā min khilal thalātha rihlät maghribiya wa-ba'd al-murāsilāt ar-rasmiya," Majallat kulliyat al-ādāb wal-'ulüm al- insaniya 15 (1989-90): 45-66. The ulema of Fes opposed contact with non- Muslims at any level, which led to conflicts with local merchants eager to conduct overseas trade. N. Cigar, "Socio-economic Structures and the Development of an Urban Bourgeoisie in Pre-colonial Morocco," Maghreb Review 6, 3-4 (May-August 1981): 67. For treatment of this issue in aş- Şaffar's account, see p. 76.

26. AAE/CPM 14/83-84, de Chasteau to Guizot, 3 August 1845. Initially Mustafa Dukkālī and Ahmad Timsimānī, both merchants with extensive foreign connections, were mentioned by the French as candidates. However, this was not the Sultan's intention. According to a letter in the Royal Archives, he preferred an envoy who was "knowledgable about Makhzan affairs and not a merchant." DAR 17571, Ibn Idris to Bü Silhām, 14 Rajab 1261/19 July 1845.

27. AAE/CPM 14/106-7, Roches to Bü Silhām, 10 August 1845.

28. AAE/CPM 14/253-54, Roches to Guizot, 20 October 1845. The Sultan chose Ash'ash because of his "polish, his good sense, and his excel- lent family." Sultan to Bü Silham, #18 Shawwal 1261/20 October 1845.

29. TT 3:276-94 describes the rule of Muhammad Ash'äsh over Tetuan. 

30. He was not highly literate, however, corroborating Laroui's claim that Moroccan ambassadors sent abroad were often "uncultivated." Ori- gines, p. 215. An undated note in his awkward hand is found in AAE/ ADM/ "Voyage de Sidi Aschasch, Pacha de Tetouan, 1845" (noted here- after as AAE/ADM/Voyage).

31. AAE/CPM 14/253-54, Roches to Guizot, 20 October 1845. Roches wrote: "The proposal that he made to bear all the expenses of the embassy decided the Sultan in his favor." His father had already promised the Sultan that if he were chosen as ambassador, he would bear all the costs of the embassy. DAR 10794, Mulay Abd ar-Rahman to 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash, 18 Ramadan 1261/20 September 1845.

32. Hajj is the title given to someone who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca.

33. A reference to the elder Ash'äsh's willingness to pay the costs of the journey.

34. A learned man (plural ulema). For portraits of the type in the Moroccan context, see E. Burke III, "The Moroccan Ulama, 1860-1912: An Introduction," and K. Brown, "Profile of a Nineteenth-century Moroccan Scholar," both in Scholars, Saints, and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500, ed. Nikki R. Keddie (Berkeley, 1972), pp. 93- 125, 127-48.

35. The holiday of the "breaking of the fast" at the end of Ramadan, the Muslim month of fasting.

36. DAR 17564, Sultan to 'Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash, 4 Ramadan 1261/6 September 1845.

37. AAE/CPM 15/169-76, Roches to de Chasteau, 5 November 1845 [?], marked "confidential." See also J. Caillé, Une mission de Léon Roches à Rabat en 1845 (Casablanca, 1947).

17. 关于伊本-伊德里斯图书馆，见同上，第 215 页注 63。 关于 at- Tahțāwī，见下文注 132。

18. AAE/MDM 9/370，de La Rue 致伊本-伊德里斯，1845 年 3 月 22 日。

19. AAE/CPM 14/119-22，Roches 致 Guizot，1845 年 8 月 24 日。 丹吉尔和拉腊什总督 Abū Sil- hām b. 'Alī Azțūt（俗称 BūSilhām）是苏丹驻丹吉尔欧洲领事的代表。 对外关系通过居住在北方的马赫赞官员进行，他们充当中间人，保护苏丹和宫廷不与外国人过多接触。

20. 1832 年，罗歇在阿尔及利亚的法国军队中开始了他的职业生涯，1837 年，在休战期间，他成为阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔的私人秘书，阿拉伯语名为 "Umar b. ar-Rūsh"。 1839 年，他重新加入布热奥（Bugeaud）将军的参谋部，并在阿什什（Ash'ash）使团中扮演了重要角色，陪同使团前往巴黎。 AAE，个人档案，"Léon Roches"；M. Emerit，"La légende de Léon Roches"，Revue africaine 91，410-11（1947 年）： 81-105. 罗切斯的回忆录《穿越伊斯兰的二十年》（Trente-deux ans à travers l'Islam），2 卷（巴黎，1884-187 年），没有涉及这一时期。

21. 穆罕默德-伊本-伊德里斯（Muhammad Ibn Idris，1794-1847 年），苏丹穆莱-阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼的首席大臣，是一位才华横溢的诗人和政治家。 他最初坚定地反对欧洲，但在伊斯利之后，他的态度发生了变化，并支持向法国派遣大使馆。 见 Näşir al-Fāsī，"Muhammad Ibn Idris, wazir Mulay Abd ar-Rahman wa-sha'iruhu，" Al-bahth al-'ilmi 1（1964 年 1-4 月）： 157-80.

22. AAE/CPM 14/182，罗什致伊本-伊德里斯，1845 年 9 月 12 日。 关于

关于法国国内对阿尔及利亚战争的政治辩论，见 F. P. G. Guizot、

路易-菲利普统治下的法国，1841-1847 年》（伦敦，1865 年），第 117 和 130 页。

23. AAE/CPM 14/182，罗歇致伊本-伊德里斯，1845 年 9 月 12 日。

24. AAE/CPM 14/152-53, Roches 致 de La Morcière 将军，1845 年 9 月 3 日。 苏丹在写给 Bü Silham 的信中说，使馆的目的是 "向远方表明，[我们的]分歧已经结束，我们已经恢复到以前的状态"。 他还希望 "取消有关阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔的条款"，"最重要的是，争取释放敌人手中的穆斯林俘虏"。 最后一个目标在法国的资料中没有提及。 DAR 17561，22 Jumādā ath-Thānī 1261/28 June 1845。

25. 虔诚的穆斯林非常关注前往非穆斯林世界旅行的条件。 伊斯兰教义教导人们，旅行的目的地应该是信徒的社区，而不是远离社区。 迁徙"（hijra）的基本含义是离开不信教者的领地 där al-kufr，前往伊斯兰教的家园 dar al-islam。 因此，前往西方本身就是一个问题，也是乌里玛讨论的焦点。 见 Dale F. Eickelman 和 James Piscatori 编著的《穆斯林旅行者》： 朝圣、迁徙和宗教想象》（伯克利和洛杉矶，1990 年），尤其是穆罕默德-哈立德-马苏德的文章《迁徙的义务》： Muhammad Khalid Masud 的论文 "The Obligation to Migrate: The Doctrine of Hijra in Islamic Law"，第 29-49 页。 在同一卷中，Abderrahmane El Moudden 在 "The Ambivalence of Rihla： The Ambivalence of Rihla: Community Integration and Self-definition in Moroccan Travel Accounts, 1300-1800," 第 69-84 页。 有关这一主题的更多信息，请参阅 Laroui, Origines, 第 320-21 页；M. El-Mansour，"19 世纪摩洛哥人对欧洲文明的看法"，载于《摩洛哥与欧洲》，George Joffé 编辑，近东文化中心，第 1 卷，第 1 页。 George Joffé，伦敦大学亚非学院近东和中东研究中心，不定期论文 7（伦敦，1989 年），第 37-45 页；以及 A. al-Qadūrī，"Şuwar 'an Urübbā min khilal thalātha rihlät maghribiya wa-ba'd al-murāsilāt ar-rasmiya，"Majallat kulliyat al-ādāb wal-'ulüm al- insaniya 15（1989-90）： 45-66. 菲斯的乌里玛反对在任何层面上与非穆斯林接触，这导致了他们与渴望开展海外贸易的当地商人之间的冲突。 N. Cigar，"前殖民时期摩洛哥的社会经济结构和城市资产阶级的发展"，《马格里布评论》6，3-4（1981 年 5-8 月）： 67. 关于 aş- Şaffar 对这一问题的论述，见第 76 页。

26. AAE/CPM 14/83-84，de Chasteau 致吉佐，1845 年 8 月 3 日。 最初，法国人提到穆斯塔法-杜卡里和艾哈迈德-蒂姆西马尼作为候选人，他们都是与外国有广泛联系的商人。 然而，这并非苏丹的本意。 根据皇家档案馆的一封信，他更喜欢 "了解马赫赞事务而不是商人 "的特使。 DAR 17571，伊本-伊德里斯致布-西尔哈姆，1261 年 7 月 14 日/1845 年 7 月 19 日。

27. AAE/CPM 14/106-7，Roches 致 Bü Silhām，1845 年 8 月 10 日。

28. AAE/CPM 14/253-54, Roches 致 Guizot，1845 年 10 月 20 日。 苏丹选择 Ash'ash 的原因是他 "彬彬有礼、知书达理、家世显赫"。 苏丹致 Bü Silham，#18 Shawwal 1261，1845 年 10 月 20 日。

29. TT 3:276-94 描述了 Muhammad Ash'äsh 对德图恩的统治。 

30. 然而，他的识字率并不高，这印证了 Laroui 的说法，即摩洛哥派往国外的大使往往 "没有文化"。 Ori- gines，第 215 页。 在 AAE/ADM/"Voyage de Sidi Aschasch, Pacha de Tetouan, 1845 "中发现了他用笨拙的笔迹书写的一张未注明日期的便条（此处之后注明为 AAE/ADM/Voyage）。

31. AAE/CPM 14/253-54，罗歇致吉佐，1845 年 10 月 20 日。 罗歇写道："他提出的承担使馆所有费用的建议让苏丹决定支持他。 他的父亲已经向苏丹承诺，如果他被选为大使，他将承担使馆的所有费用。 DAR 10794，Mulay Abd ar-Rahman 致 Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash，1261 年斋月 18 日，1845 年 9 月 20 日。

32. 朝觐是对前往麦加朝圣者的称谓。

33. 指年长的 Ash'äsh 愿意支付旅费。

34. 有学问的人（复数为 ulema）。 有关摩洛哥背景下的此类人物肖像，请参阅 E. Burke III，"The Moroccan Ulama, 1860-1912： 和 K. Brown，"Profile of a Nineteenth-century Moroccan Scholar"，均收录于《Scholars, Saints, and Sufis： Scholars, Saints, and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500》，Nikki R. Keddie 编辑。 Nikki R. Keddie (Berkeley, 1972), pp.

35. 穆斯林斋月结束时的 "开斋 "节。

36. DAR 17564，苏丹致 Abd al-Qadir Ash'ash，1261 年斋月 4 日/1845 年 9 月 6 日。

37. AAE/CPM 15/169-76，Roches 致 de Chasteau，1845 年 11 月 5 日[？]，标明 “机密”。另见 J. Caillé，Une mission de Léon Roches à Rabat en 1845（卡萨布兰卡，1947 年）。