高市首次承認日本需要外國人，卻將移民問題政治化 數十年來一邊否認、一邊依賴移民，日本可能正為此付出代價

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高市首次承認日本需要外國人，卻將移民問題政治化
數十年來一邊否認、一邊依賴移民，日本可能正為此付出代價

作者：高谷佐知（Sachi Takaya）
東京大學人文社會系研究科副教授
2025年10月31日 日本標準時間 05:05

Opinion

Admitting the need for foreigners, Takaichi first politicizes migrant issues

Having accepted migrants for decades while denying their existence, Japan could pay the price

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Sachi Takaya

October 31, 2025 05:05 JST

20251028 Onoda Takaichi

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在大阪經營一家聘用外籍勞工的小型金屬加工廠的社長，在自民黨新黨魁高市早苗於10月初當選後，接到來自越南的幾位準備赴日工作的工人來電。對方焦急地詢問：「聽說高市對外國人態度很嚴苛，我們還能來日本工作嗎？」這位社長回答說，不論首相更替，外國人仍可在日本安心工作。

他的回應理性而務實，但新政府是否真能務實面對外國人與移民問題，仍未可知。10月21日，高市在自民、公明長達26年的聯合政權突然解體後，與日本維新會（Nippon Ishin）組成新聯合政府，正式成為首相。雖然現在要評價新內閣還太早，但從公明黨中間偏左的立場轉向維新會的中間偏右民粹主義，顯示日本政治正進一步右傾。外國人與移民議題可能成為展現「強大日本」象徵性舞台。

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右傾政治下的外國人焦慮

越南工人的不安並非多餘。高市長期被視為自民黨最右翼的政治人物之一，而自從極右政黨「參政黨（Sanseito）」在7月參議院選舉中表現亮眼後，外國人與移民議題愈加政治化。高市設立了專責外國人政策的閣員職位，並任命以極右言論聞名、在網路上擁有眾多追隨者的小野田紀美出任。

在施政演說中，高市承認由於日本人口萎縮，部分產業確實需要外籍勞工；她也提及觀光產業的重要性，但強調將嚴厲取締「部分外國人」的非法行為。迄今為止，她持續將外國人與移民問題政治化，作為展示其「強勢政府」的象徵性資源。

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「參政黨」的推波助瀾

參政黨在7月參院選舉中，以反移民、反外國人論述作為主要競選策略，成功增加席次。自民黨在該次選舉中失利，黨內分析部分原因在於「長期支持本黨的保守選民出走」，認為政府如今「重外國人、輕日本人」。

這場選舉或許是日本首次將移民與外國人議題置於全國選戰核心。參政黨的成功證明：反移民與排外情緒能有效動員選民，並帶來選舉利益。

自此之後，自民黨，特別是高市本人，開始將外國人議題政治化，視為爭取保守派回流的策略。在10月的黨魁選舉中，高市提及一則外國觀光客 allegedly（據稱）在奈良公園踢鹿的事件，作為「外國人不尊重日本文化」的例證，並呼籲收緊入境政策。日本在政治上將移民與外國人議題混為一談的特徵，常出現「有意或無意地」把外籍勞工與觀光客一同視為對社會的「威脅」。儘管該事件的真實性遭質疑，但卻成功吸引媒體焦點，並可能助她勝選。

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從「否認存在」到「刻意政治化」

高市的策略顯示自民黨態度的重大轉變。面對急速高齡化與勞動力短缺，以往的自民—公明政府試圖在滿足市場需求的同時，安撫反移民的保守基盤。作為晚近才成為移民接收國的日本，長期以歐美經驗為戒，力求讓移民議題「去政治化」。

因此，日本數十年來拒絕承認自己是移民接收國，而透過「側門」機制，如「技能實習生制度」引入外勞。即使在安倍政府2018年推出「特定技能制度」以應對勞動力危機時，仍堅稱「這不是移民政策」。這種語言策略旨在安撫保守派，維持政治穩定；但同時，也導致移民權益與社會融合政策的長期忽視。

作為安倍的思想繼承者與長期盟友，高市採取了相反的做法：刻意政治化，而非迴避。

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在人口危機中走向排外風險

雖然她的作法與歐美極右風潮相似，但日本的人口危機使情勢更複雜。日本不僅需要外籍勞工支撐經濟，更需他們維持社會基本運作。儘管外國人在日本人口比例仍低於其他OECD國家，但外籍勞工數量在過去十年已增加三倍，2024年達到創紀錄的230萬人。這一背景下，社會對排外主義升溫的憂慮正在擴大。

參議院選後，部分地方知事聯合發表〈青森宣言〉，譴責仇外情緒，並呼籲實踐「多文化共生」（tabunka kyosei），反映地方在少子化壓力下的迫切需求。長期民調也顯示，日本民眾整體上對接受外國人持開放態度，即使參政黨以「日本第一」的民粹口號獲得關注。

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政治化的代價

雖然高市承認人口減少是日本最緊迫的挑戰，但她將移民議題政治化的做法可能引發多重後果：

• 激化政治與社會分裂；

• 損害外籍勞工的權利與尊嚴；

• 侵蝕公眾信任；

• 阻礙移民融合政策的發展；

• 甚至妨礙她所追求的「強大經濟」，因為那需要開放的市場。

政府領袖的反移民言論，也可能讓現有或潛在的外籍勞工（如那群越南工人）感到不安，長遠而言損害日本的國際形象與軟實力。最終，若為政治利益而利用移民議題，只會束縛政府解決日本真正人口與經濟困境的能力。

Economic Security Minister Kimi Onoda, left, and Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi are pictured after the new cabinet was formally inaugurated in a ceremony with Emperor Naruhito at the Imperial Palace on Oct. 21. © Kyodo

Sachi Takaya is an associate professor at the Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology, the University of Tokyo.

The president of a small metalworking factory in Osaka that hires migrant workers received a call from prospective workers in Vietnam shortly after Sanae Takaishi was elected as the new representative of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in early October. The workers anxiously asked him if they would still be able to work in Japan under Takaichi, as they had heard she held harsh attitudes toward migrants. The president I interviewed reassured them that they would have no problem working in Japan regardless of a change in prime minister.

While his response was reasonable and pragmatic, it remains uncertain whether the new administration will realistically address migrant and foreigner issues. Takaichi was elected prime minister on Oct. 21, following the sudden dissolution of the 26-year-old LDP-Komeito coalition and the formation of a new coalition with the Japan Innovation Party (Nippon Ishin). Although it is too early to evaluate the new administration, the ideological shift from Komeito's center-left orientation to Nippon Ishin's center-right populism suggests that Japanese politics is likely to move further to the right. Migrant and foreigner issues may become a symbolic arena for demonstrating a "strong Japan."

The prospective metal workers' anxiety is warranted. Takaichi has long been regarded as one of the LDP's most far-right politicians, and migrant and foreigner issues have been growing more politicized since the far-right Sanseito party finished strongly in the July upper house elections. Takaichi established a cabinet position responsible for migrant and foreigner policy and filled it with Kimi Onoda, who is known for making frequent far-right comments that attract many online followers. In her policy address to the Diet, Takaichi admitted that some industries require migrant workers due to Japan's shrinking population. She also remarked on the economic importance of tourism but emphasized she would take a tough stance against illegal activities and rule violations by "some foreigners." So far, Takaichi has been politicizing migrant and foreigner issues, using them as symbolic resources to demonstrate her "strong" government.

Sanseito helped politicize the issue by using anti-migrant and anti-foreigner rhetoric in its successful bid to win more upper house seats in July. The LDP lost seats in the same election, partly blaming its showing on "the exodus of a segment of the conservative base that has long supported our party" but now suspects the government prioritizes foreigners over Japanese nationals.

The July upper house campaign was perhaps the first time that migrant and foreigner issues had been a central part of a national election agenda. Sanseito's success demonstrated that anti-migrant and anti-foreigner sentiment can effectively mobilize voters and yield electoral gains.

Since then, the LDP, particularly Takaichi, has made the politicization of migrant and foreigner issues seem a strategic topic to regain conservative supporters. In the LDP's presidential race in October, Takaichi referred to an incident in which a tourist allegedly kicked a deer in Nara Park, citing it as evidence that foreigners disrespect Japanese culture and traditions, and calling for tighter migration policies. A notable feature of Japan's politicization of migrant and foreigner issues is the tendency -- intentionally or not -- to conflate migrants and tourists as "threats" to Japanese society. Although some questioned the factual basis for her dear-kicking claim, it drew public attention and likely contributed to her victory.

A technical intern trainee from Vietnam works in a factory in the city of Okazaki, Aichi prefecture.   © Kyodo

Takaichi's strategy represents a significant departure from the LDP's earlier approach. Confronted with the rapid aging of Japan's population and chronic labor shortages, previous LDP-Komeito administrations sought to meet market needs while appeasing conservative, anti-immigration constituencies. As a latecomer to large-scale migration, the government also viewed the experiences of Europe and the U.S. as cautionary examples and thus sought to depoliticize migrant issues. Their strategy centered on denying the existence of migrants in Japan and keeping the topic out of political discussion.

For decades, Japan refused to recognize itself as a migrant-receiving country while relying on "side door" schemes such as the Technical Intern Trainee Program. Even when the Abe administration, facing acute labor shortages, introduced a new migrant labor program, the Specified Skilled Worker System, in 2018, it maintained this stance of denial. Abe repeatedly asserted, "This is not an immigration policy." The rhetorical strategy was designed to placate conservatives and preserve political stability. At the same time, migrant rights and integration policies were neglected. Takaichi, Abe's ideological successor and long-time ally, appears to have adopted the opposite approach: deliberate politicization rather than avoidance.

While her approach mirrors far-right trends in Europe and the U.S., Japan's severe demographic crisis puts it in a distinct context. The country clearly needs migrants not only to sustain its economy but also to uphold the foundations of its society. Although migrants still account for a relatively small share of the population compared with other OECD countries, the number of migrant workers has tripled in the past decade, reaching a record 2.3 million in 2024. Within this context, many within society are concerned about rising xenophobia.

Following the upper house election, a coalition of governors issued the "Aomori Declaration," condemning xenophobia and calling for tabunka kyosei or "multicultural living-together," reflecting the voices of regions struggling with depopulation. Long-term surveys also indicate that Japanese public opinion is relatively open to accepting migrants despite Sanseito capturing public attention with its "Japan First" rhetoric.

Although Takaichi acknowledged population decline as Japan's most urgent challenge, her politicization of migrant and foreigner issues could have undesirable consequences. It could inflame political and social divisions, undermine migrants' rights and dignity, and erode public trust. Moreover, it leaves the development of a migration integration policy unaddressed and may hinder the Takaichi administration's pursuit of a "strong economy," which depends on open markets. Anti-migrant attitudes expressed by government leaders can also unsettle current and prospective migrant workers, such as the Vietnamese workers described earlier, and damage Japan's international reputation and soft power in the long run. Ultimately, exploiting the politicization of migrant and foreigner issues for political gain will only constrain the government's ability to address Japan's real demographic and economic challenges.