1-1摩洛哥、法国、阿尔及利亚

1-1Morocco, France, Algeria

1-1摩洛哥、法国、阿尔及利亚

The watershed event of aş-Şaffar's generation was the French land- ing in Algiers in 1830. As the French coastal enclave grew into a full-scale occupation, the geographical continuum of Muslim states stretching from Egypt to Morocco, established in the first centuries of Islam, was abruptly broken. For Morocco, the French penetra- tion meant that a Christian power now shared a long, exposed bor- der of open plains and deserts, offering an open way into the Mo- roccan heartland. It was an unprecedented turn of events, and its effect was traumatic.

阿什-沙法尔这一代人的分水岭事件是 1830 年法国在阿尔及尔的登陆。 随着法国沿海飞地发展成为全面占领，伊斯兰教最初几个世纪建立的从埃及到摩洛哥的穆斯林国家的地理连续性被突然打破。 对摩洛哥来说，法国的渗透意味着一个基督教国家现在分享了一个漫长、裸露的平原和沙漠地带，为进入摩洛哥腹地提供了一条通路。 这是一次史无前例的转折，其影响是巨大的。

It was not the first time that invaders from Europe had threatened Morocco, but this was a threat of a new and different order. Iberian marauders in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had made inroads into the coast, but these occupations were for the most part transi- tory. By the seventeenth century, a static tension had developed be- tween Morocco and Europe whose fault line was the sea; Moroccan and European-based corsairs would raid each other's shipping, en- riching their respective coffers under the guise of religious faith. By the middle of the eighteenth century piracy had slackened off, giving way to less violent forms of exchange. Occasional warfare was one feature of the Moroccan-European relationship; active trade and diplomacy was another. Under Sultan Muhammad III (1757-90) a new port was built at Mogador (aş-Şawira) on the At- lantic coast, in order to attract foreign merchants and to generate customs revenues for the treasury of the Makhzan. Then came the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, and a decisive break in-relations with the West. Moreover, the death of Sultan Muham- mad III initiated a struggle for succession that unleashed country- wide spasms of warfare. Political life entered a period of excess that was unusual even in the weary eyes of the Moroccan chroniclers.

来自欧洲的入侵者并不是第一次威胁摩洛哥，但这是一次全新的威胁。 十五和十六世纪，伊比利亚掠夺者曾侵入海岸，但这些占领大多是短暂的。 到了 17 世纪，摩洛哥和欧洲之间形成了一种静态的紧张关系，这种紧张关系的断层线就是海洋；摩洛哥和欧洲的海盗们会以宗教信仰为幌子，袭击对方的航运，为各自的国库带来财富。 到 18 世纪中叶，海盗活动逐渐减少，让位于暴力程度较低的交流形式。 偶尔的战争是摩洛哥与欧洲关系的一个特点，而积极的贸易和外交则是另一个特点。 苏丹穆罕默德三世（1757-1790 年）在大西洋沿岸的摩加多尔（aş-Şawira）建造了一个新港口，以吸引外国商人，并为马赫赞国库带来关税收入。 随后，法国大革命和拿破仑战争爆发，与西方的关系出现了决定性的断裂。 此外，苏丹穆罕默德三世的去世引发了一场继承权争夺战，全国范围内战火纷飞。 政治生活进入了一个过度时期，即使在摩洛哥编年史家疲惫的眼中，这也是不寻常的。

It was not until the 1820s that both Morocco and Europe emerged from the time of troubles. On the continent, Europeans celebrated peace with a burst of growth and an assertive search for overseas markets and sources of supply. While Europe entered a new age, Morocco drew inward, and under Sultan Mulay Sulayman (1793-1822) broke most of her European ties. In 1817 the Sultan disbanded what was left of the Moroccan fleet, and put an end to all maritime trade on Moroccan ships. Ports were closed to foreign trade, and Moroccans were forbidden to travel abroad without per- mission of the Sultan. His successor, Mulay Abd ar-Rahman (1822-59), tried to redress the imbalance but failed, and Morocco returned to self-imposed isolation. The near-total break in Mo- rocco's relations with the West lasted more than a generation. Dur- ing the interval, Western Europe metamorphosed in ways most Moroccans could not imagine."

直到十九世纪二十年代，摩洛哥和欧洲才走出困境。 在欧洲大陆，欧洲人庆祝和平，经济迅速增长，并积极寻找海外市场和供应来源。 在欧洲进入新时代的同时，摩洛哥却向内发展，在苏丹穆莱-苏莱曼（1793-1822 年）的领导下，摩洛哥与欧洲断绝了大部分联系。 1817 年，苏丹解散了所剩无几的摩洛哥舰队，结束了摩洛哥船只的所有海上贸易。 港口对外贸关闭，摩洛哥人未经苏丹允许不得出国旅行。 他的继任者穆莱-阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼（Mulay Abd ar-Rahman，1822-1859 年）试图纠正这种不平衡，但没有成功，摩洛哥又回到了自我封闭的状态。 摩洛哥与西方的关系几乎完全中断，这种情况持续了一代多的时间。 在此期间，西欧以大多数摩洛哥人无法想象的方式蜕变"。

The French conquest of Algeria abruptly ended this phase and thrust Morocco once again onto the European stage. Against his will, the Sultan was drawn into the affairs of his Algerian neighbor. Mo- rocco's involvement began with the Amir Abd al-Qadir, an Alge- rian leader who in 1832 organized local resistance to the French. The Sultan helped him with arms and supplies, fulfilling his religious duty to respond to the Christian threat. But at the same time the Sultan was wary of the Amir's undisciplined army and charismatic appeal, and feared he would arouse France to attack Morocco.9

法国对阿尔及利亚的征服突然结束了这一阶段，并将摩洛哥再次推向欧洲舞台。 苏丹违背自己的意愿，被卷入了邻国阿尔及利亚的事务中。 1832年，阿尔及尔领导人阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔（Amir Abd al-Qadir）组织当地人抵抗法国人。 苏丹为他提供了武器和补给，履行了自己的宗教义务，以应对基督教的威胁。 但与此同时苏丹对埃米尔军纪涣散、魅力无穷充满戒心，担心他会引起法国对摩洛哥的进攻。

This friendly, if uneasy, relationship continued as long as the war was confined to Algeria. But in 1841 the conflict suddenly entered a new phase. General Bugeaud, recently appointed chief of the French army, swore that "the Arabs will neither sow, reap, nor pas- ture without our permission," and pursued 'Abd al-Qadir relent- lessly, finally forcing him across the border into Morocco. On 6 August 1844, without warning, a French fleet bombarded Tangier, and a few days later reduced Mogador to ruins. In one week the French had damaged the Sultan's two chief ports and severely im- paired his customs revenues." Meanwhile, General Bugeaud crossed the border and destroyed a Moroccan army at the River Isly. On land and sea, the Moroccans were in defeat.

只要战争还局限于阿尔及利亚，这种友好（尽管并不融洽）的关系就会持续下去。 但在 1841 年，冲突突然进入了一个新阶段。 刚被任命为法军总司令的布热奥（Bugeaud）将军发誓 "没有我们的允许，阿拉伯人既不能播种、收割，也不能放牧"，并对阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔穷追不舍，最终迫使他越过边境进入摩洛哥。 1844 年 8 月 6 日，一支法国舰队在毫无征兆的情况下轰炸了丹吉尔，几天后又将摩加迪尔变成了废墟。 一周之内，法国人就破坏了苏丹的两个主要港口，并严重影响了他的海关收入"。 与此同时，布热奥将军越过边境，在伊斯利河歼灭了摩洛哥军队。 摩洛哥人在陆地和海上都遭到了失败。

Now France sought to make peace. "Now we can be generous without being weak," Bugeaud wrote, "because we have hit them hard." The Treaty of Tangier of September 1844, and the Treaty of Lalla Maghnia the following March, solidified the French success while exacting a heavy price from the Sultan." He had to agree to cooperate in the capture of 'Abd al-Qadir, as well as to negotiate new border demarcations. In one fell swoop he was forced to aban- don his opposition to the French, and to concede their presence in Algeria a de facto recognition it had never before had.

现在法国寻求和平 布热奥写道："现在我们可以慷慨而不软弱，""因为我们已经重创了他们"。 1844 年 9 月的《丹吉尔条约》和次年 3 月的《拉拉-马格尼亚条约》巩固了法国的成功，同时也让苏丹付出了沉重的代价。 他不得不同意合作攻占阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔，并就新的边界划分进行谈判。 一举迫使苏丹放弃反对法国人的立场，并在事实上承认法国人在阿尔及利亚的存在。

Meanwhile, the Makhzan tried to come to terms with the disas- ter. Moroccan writings of the time demonstrate, according to the Moroccan historian Muhammad al-Manūnī, the "confusion of spirit" and the "muddled thinking" of the men of the court and the ulema. Two motifs emerge: the first, a call to holy war; the sec- ond, a searching through the classical texts to find explanations for the catastrophe Both suggest that, at least initially, some mem- bers of the elite looked inward for guidance on how to react to the French threat in Algeria. But for others in the ruling circle, it was clear that inherited wisdom was inadequate, and that new informa- tion was needed. The doors of the Makhzan were far from hermet- ically sealed, and novel concepts were beginning to filter in. By the mid-1840s, curiosity about Europe had taken root in a small yet influential circle of men who became partisans, not exactly of re- form, but rather of "inquiry" and of "seeing and hearing" (as aş- Şaffar put it) what the West had to offer. Perhaps this curiosity was stirred by reports from travelers-Europeans, Moroccans, other Muslims-who brought news of the great scientific and technological changes taking place in Europe; perhaps it was stimulated by the appearance of travel books such as the Egyptian at-Tahțāwī's voyage to Paris, which found its way into the library of the Sultan's First Minister Ibn Idrīs;1" most certainly, it arose as a consequence of military defeat. Drawing on these sources, the idea of a mission to witness European civilization at first hand seems to have taken hold. It was a controversial idea, fraught with misgivings; neverthe- less, it was an idea whose moment had come.

与此同时，Makhzan 人试图接受这种混乱。 摩洛哥历史学家穆罕默德-马努尼（Muhammad al-Manūnī）认为，当时的摩洛哥著作显示了宫廷和乌里玛的 "精神混乱 "和 "思维混乱"。 这两个主题都表明，至少在最初，一些精英分子向内寻求如何应对法国在阿尔及利亚的威胁的指导。 但对于统治圈中的其他人来说，继承下来的智慧显然是不够的，他们需要新的信息。 马赫赞的大门远非密闭，新的理念开始渗透进来。 到 19 世纪 40 年代中期，对欧洲的好奇心在一个小圈子里生根发芽，这个圈子很小，但却很有影响力，他们成为了 "探究 "和 "看一看、听一听"（阿斯-沙法尔语）西方所能提供的东西的拥护者。 也许是欧洲人、摩洛哥人、其他穆斯林等旅行者带来了欧洲科技巨变的消息，激起了人们的好奇心；也许是埃及人 At-Tahțāwī 的《巴黎航行记》等游记的出现刺激了人们的好奇心，这本书还进入了苏丹第一大臣伊本-伊德里斯（Ibn Idrīs）的图书馆；1 "最肯定的是，这种好奇心是军事失败的结果。 在这些资料的基础上，"亲眼目睹欧洲文明 "的想法似乎已经深入人心。 这是一个有争议的想法，充满了疑虑；但无论如何，这个想法的时机已经到来。

註解：

2. J. Bookin-Weiner, "The 'Sallee Rovers': Morocco and its Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century," in The Middle East and North Africa: Essays in Honor of J. C. Hurewitz, ed. Reeva S. Simon (New York, 1990), p. 317.

3. Daniel Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira: Urban Society and Imperialism in Southwestern Morocco, 1844-1886 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 11-20. Makh- zan is the Arabic name for the Moroccan government, derived from the word meaning "storehouse."

4. Ahmad b. Khalid an-Näşiri, Kitāb al-istiqşā li-akhbar duwal al-Maghrib al-aqsa, 9 vols. (Casablanca, 1956), 8:72-86.

5. On the dismantling of the Moroccan navy in the early nineteenth century, see M. al-Manūnī, Mazāhir yaqzat al-Maghrib al-hadith (Rabat, 1973), 1:3-8 (all references to this work are from the 1973 edition unless otherwise indicated). See also J.-L. Miège, "La marine marocaine au xix siècle," Bulletin de l'enseignement publique au Maroc 237 (1956): 51-57.

6. An example is the zahir, or proclamation, from Mulay Sulayman to the Hajj Abd ar-Rahman Ash'äsh, dated 28 Shawwal 1221/8 January 1807, granting him permission to travel abroad. TT 3:236.

7. J. Caillé, "Le dernier exploit des corsaires du Bou-Regreg," Hesp. 37. 3-4 (1950): 429-37-

8. For an overview, see J.-L. Miège, Le Maroc et l'Europe, 4 vols. (Paris,1961), vol. 2: L'ouverture, pp. 19-258; L. Valensi, Le Maghreb avant la prise d'Alger (1790-1830) (Paris, 1969).

9. On 'Abd al-Qadir, son of Muhi ad-Din al-Mukhtärī (1807-83), resistance leader from 1832 to 1847, see R. Gallissot, "La guerre d'Abd el Kader ou la ruine de la nationalité algérienne (1839-1847)," H-T 5 (1964): 119-41. P. de Cossé-Brissac, Les rapports de la France et du Maroc pendant la conquête de l'Algérie (1830-1847) (Paris, 1931), details diplomatic initiatives. For a postcolonial reinterpretation, see A. Laroui, History of the Maghrib (Princeton, 1977), pp. 299-301. A basic work is C.-A. Julien, Histoire de l'Algérie contemporaine (Paris, 1964), ch. 4. Paul Azan says 'Abd al-Qādir gave the Sultan "the deference due to a seigneur by his vassal." Azan, L'émir

Abd el Kader (Paris, 1925), p. 142.

10. Quoted in Julien, Histoire, p. 174.

11. An eyewitness account of these events is A.-H. Warnier, Campagne

du Maroc, 1844 (Paris, 1899).

12. Quoted in Cossé-Brissac, Rapports, p. 96.

13. Texts of both treaties are in H. M. P. de La Martinière and N. La- croix, Documents pour servir à l'étude du nord-ouest africain, 4 vols. (Algiers, 1894-97), 2:517-21.

14. Al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:13.

15. The first trend is exemplified by an exhortatory poem (qaşīda) of the Minister Ibn Idris that begins: "Oh people of our Maghrib, it is time to sound the alarm! / To the jihad, to right what is wrong." Al-Manūnī, Ma- zahir 1:20. Also M. Lakhdar, La vie littéraire au Maroc sous la dynastie 'Ala- wide (Rabat, 1971), pp. 316-17, 327-35. The second trend is seen in the work of Muhammad b. Abd al-Qadir al-Kilānī, known as al-Kardūdī, an 'alim of Fes, who wrote Kashf al-ghumma bi-bayan anna harb an-nizam ("Un- veiling the Sorrow, An Explanation of the War of Order"), BGR MS# D1281; quoted in al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:13-15, and A. Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912) (Paris, 1977), pp.276-78.

16. Laroui, Origines, pp. 273-74, 278.

2. J. Bookin-Weiner, "The 『Sallee Rovers』： J. Bookin-Weiner, 「The 『Sallee Rovers』: Morocco and its Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century,」 in The Middle East and North Africa： 2. J. Bookin-Weiner, 「The 『Sallee Rovers』: Morocco and its Corsairs in the Seventeenth Century,」 in The Middle East and North Africa: Essays in Honor of J. C. Hurewitz, ed. Reeva S. Simon (New York). Reeva S. Simon (New York, 1990), p. 317。

3. 3. Daniel Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira： 3. Daniel Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira: Urban Society and Imperialism in Southwestern Morocco, 1844-1886 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. Makh- zan 是摩洛哥政府的阿拉伯文名稱，源自「倉庫」之意。

4. 4. Ahmad b. Khalid an-Näşiri, Kitāb al-istiqşā li-akhbar duwal al-Maghrib al-aqsa, 9 vols. (Casablanca, 1956), 8:72-86.

5. 關於十九世紀初摩洛哥海軍的解散，請參閱 M. al-Manūnī, Mazāhir yaqzat al-Maghrib al-hadith (Rabat, 1973), 1:3-8（除非另有說明，否則本著作的所有參考資料均來自 1973 年版）。另請參閱 J.-L. Miège, 「La marine marocaine au xix siècle,」 Bulletin de l'enseignement publique au Maroc 237 (1956)： 51-57.

6. 例如，Mulay Sulayman 於 1221 年 10 月 28 日/1807 年 1 月 8 日致 Hajj Abd ar-Rahman Ash'äsh 的 zahir 或宣告，允許他出國旅行。TT 3:236.

7. J. Caillé, 「Le dernier exploit des corsaires du Bou-Regreg,」 Hesp. 3-4 (1950): 429-37-

8. 有關概況，請參閱 J.-L. Miège, Le Maroc et l'Europe, 4 vols、

1961), vol. 2: L'ouverture, pp.

d'Alger (1790-1830) (Paris, 1969).

9. 關於 1832 至 1847 年間的抵抗領袖 Muhi ad-Din al-Mukhtärī (1807-83) 的兒子 'Abd al-Qadir, 見 R. Gallissot, 「La guerre d'Abd el Kader ou la ruine de la nationalité algérienne (1839-1847),」 H-T 5 (1964)： 119-41. P. de Cossé-Brissac, Les rapports de la France et du Maroc pendant la conquête de l'Algérie (1830-1847) (Paris, 1931)，詳述外交措施。有關殖民後的重新詮釋，請參閱 A. Laroui, History of the Maghrib (Princeton, 1977)，第 299-301 頁。基本著作是 C.-A. Julien, Histoire de l「Algérie contemporaine (Paris, 1964)，第 4 章。 Paul Azan 說 」Abd al-Qādir 給了蘇丹「繼承人對繼承人的尊重」。Azan, L'émir

Abd el Kader》（巴黎，1925 年），第 142 頁。

10. 引自 Julien, Histoire, 第 174 頁。

11. A.-H. Warnier, Campagne. Warnier, Campagne du Maroc, 1844 (Paris, 1899)。

12. 引自 Cossé-Brissac, Rapports, 第 96 頁。

13. 兩份條約的文本均收錄於 H. M. P. de La Martinière and N. La- croix, Documents pour servir à l'étude du nord-ouest africain, 4 vols. (Algiers, 1894-97), 2:517-21。

14. Al-Manūnī, Mazahir 1:13。

15. 第一個趨勢是大臣伊本伊德里斯 (Ibn Idris) 的一首勸誡詩（qaşīda），開頭為 「馬格裡布的人民啊，是時候敲響警鐘了！/為了聖戰，為了糾正錯誤"。Al-Manūnī, Ma- zahir 1:20。另外 M. Lakhdar, La vie littéraire au Maroc sous la dynastie 'Ala- wide (Rabat, 1971), pp. 第二個趨勢見於 Muhammad b. Abd al-Qadir al-Kilānī，人稱 al-Kardūdī，費斯的一位 'alim'，他寫了 Kashf al-ghumma bi-bayan anna harb an-nizam（《揭開悲哀的面紗，秩序之戰的解釋》），BGR MS# D1281；引自 al-Manūnī，Mazahir 1:13-15，以及 A. Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912) (Paris, 1977), pp.276-78 .

16. Laroui, Origines, pp.